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Authors: Kate Raphael
Tags: History, Politics & Social Sciences, Social Sciences, Medieval, Architecture, middle east, Egypt, Buildings, Human Geography, World, Arts & Photography, Building Types & Styles, Humanities
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greater number of bowmen. Above all, towers were placed at very close intervals. Where the distances appeared too great and the curtain wall was of poor quality the Mamluks inserted new towers and “stitched” them to the existing curtain walls. This can be seen quite clearly at,and Baghrās.
The scale of building
The Mamluk scale of building and investment differs significantly from one region to the other. The scale of construction at Karak andand probably at Safad too was considerable and the quality of work higher than that of the Cilician fortresses. Although the fortresses along the Euphrates were maintained at the highest level, it seems that Baybars’ initial investment in the construction of al-Bīra andwas limited. The inland fortresses of Karak, Safad and, with their large garrisons and forbidding fortifications, were never put to the test by either the Franks or the Mongols. And yet the scale of building was significantly larger than along the frontiers.
It appears that the important achievements of the Mamluks’ defense were not manifested in their military architecture, but rather in their military organization and their ability to find and maintain the balance between the garrisons on the frontier and the central Mamluk army. This fine balance could only be achieved by a strong centralized regime.
Notes
Introduction
1 Survey group: Prof. R. Ellenblum, Prof. R. Amitai, Y. Shapira and K. Raphael.
1
Ayyubid fortresses in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries
1 Petersen, A., Dictionary of Islamic Architecture (London and New York, 1996), 89.
2 Creswell, K. A. C., Fortifications in Islam Before A.D. 1250 , Proceedings of the British Academy 38 (London, 1952), 112–16. Badr al-Jamālī was a general of Armenian origin who commanded the army (r. 1074–94).
3 William Archbishop of Tyre, The History of Deeds Done Beyond the Se , trans. E. A. Babcock and A. C. Krey (New York, 1976), vol. 2, book 13, 9 (Tyre), book 17, 219 (Ascalon); Ellenblum, R., Crusader Castles and Modern Histories (Cambridge, 2007), 243–4.
4 I was not able to visit , as it is currently in an Egyptian military zone. The study of the fortress has been done from maps, photographs and articles.
5 Ibn , Jamāl al-Dīn b. Sālim, Mufarrij al-kurūb fī akhbār banī ayyūb (Alexandria, 1953), vol. 3, 215–16.
6 Yāqūt al-Rūmī, al-buldān (Beirut, 1957), vol. 3, 397.
7 Johns, C. N., “Medieval ,” QDAP 1 (1931): 21–33.
8 Dangles P. et al., Le Chateau d’Āğlūn/Qal’at ar-Rabad Jordanie, Report intermédaire de la mission menée en mars et avril 2002, I.N.R.A.P. 2002.
9 Battista, A. and Bagatti, B., La Fortezza Saracena Del Monte Tabor (AH 609–15; AD 1212–18) (Jerusalem, 1976).
10 Ellenblum, R., “Who built ?,” DOP 43 (1989): 103–12; Amitai, R., “Notes on the Ayyubid inscriptions at ( Nimrod),” DOP 43 (1989): 113–19.
11 Hartal, M., The (Nimrod) Fortress, Towers 11 and (Jerusalem, 2001), 3–107.
12 Barthoux, J., “Description d’une forteresse de Saladin découverte au Sinai,” Syria 3 (1922): 43–57.
13 Wiet, G., “Les inscriptions de la Guindi,” Syria 3 (1922): 57–65.
14 Tamari, S., “Darb al-Hajj in Sinai: an historical-archaeological study,” Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei Memorie 25 (1982): 431–525; ibid., “Two further inscriptions from ,” in Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet , ed. M. Rosen-Ayalon (Jerusalem, 1977), 261–5.
15 Mouton, J. M., “Autour des inscriptions de la forteresse de ( al-Ğundī) au Sinaï),” Annales Islamologiques 28 (1994): 30–57; Mouton, J. M. and Sāmi al-Mālik, “Les decors animaliers de la forteresse de ( al-Ğundī),” Annales Islamologiques 28 (1994): 60–9; Mouton, J. M. and Sāmī al-Mālik, “La route de Saladin ( wa Ayla) au Sinaï,” Annales Islamologiques 30 (1996): 42–70; Mouton, J., “Sadr au Sinaï, la forteresse de Saladin,” Archéologie 410 (2004): 28–39.
16 Creswell, Fortification ,
The scale of building
The Mamluk scale of building and investment differs significantly from one region to the other. The scale of construction at Karak andand probably at Safad too was considerable and the quality of work higher than that of the Cilician fortresses. Although the fortresses along the Euphrates were maintained at the highest level, it seems that Baybars’ initial investment in the construction of al-Bīra andwas limited. The inland fortresses of Karak, Safad and, with their large garrisons and forbidding fortifications, were never put to the test by either the Franks or the Mongols. And yet the scale of building was significantly larger than along the frontiers.
It appears that the important achievements of the Mamluks’ defense were not manifested in their military architecture, but rather in their military organization and their ability to find and maintain the balance between the garrisons on the frontier and the central Mamluk army. This fine balance could only be achieved by a strong centralized regime.
Notes
Introduction
1 Survey group: Prof. R. Ellenblum, Prof. R. Amitai, Y. Shapira and K. Raphael.
1
Ayyubid fortresses in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries
1 Petersen, A., Dictionary of Islamic Architecture (London and New York, 1996), 89.
2 Creswell, K. A. C., Fortifications in Islam Before A.D. 1250 , Proceedings of the British Academy 38 (London, 1952), 112–16. Badr al-Jamālī was a general of Armenian origin who commanded the army (r. 1074–94).
3 William Archbishop of Tyre, The History of Deeds Done Beyond the Se , trans. E. A. Babcock and A. C. Krey (New York, 1976), vol. 2, book 13, 9 (Tyre), book 17, 219 (Ascalon); Ellenblum, R., Crusader Castles and Modern Histories (Cambridge, 2007), 243–4.
4 I was not able to visit , as it is currently in an Egyptian military zone. The study of the fortress has been done from maps, photographs and articles.
5 Ibn , Jamāl al-Dīn b. Sālim, Mufarrij al-kurūb fī akhbār banī ayyūb (Alexandria, 1953), vol. 3, 215–16.
6 Yāqūt al-Rūmī, al-buldān (Beirut, 1957), vol. 3, 397.
7 Johns, C. N., “Medieval ,” QDAP 1 (1931): 21–33.
8 Dangles P. et al., Le Chateau d’Āğlūn/Qal’at ar-Rabad Jordanie, Report intermédaire de la mission menée en mars et avril 2002, I.N.R.A.P. 2002.
9 Battista, A. and Bagatti, B., La Fortezza Saracena Del Monte Tabor (AH 609–15; AD 1212–18) (Jerusalem, 1976).
10 Ellenblum, R., “Who built ?,” DOP 43 (1989): 103–12; Amitai, R., “Notes on the Ayyubid inscriptions at ( Nimrod),” DOP 43 (1989): 113–19.
11 Hartal, M., The (Nimrod) Fortress, Towers 11 and (Jerusalem, 2001), 3–107.
12 Barthoux, J., “Description d’une forteresse de Saladin découverte au Sinai,” Syria 3 (1922): 43–57.
13 Wiet, G., “Les inscriptions de la Guindi,” Syria 3 (1922): 57–65.
14 Tamari, S., “Darb al-Hajj in Sinai: an historical-archaeological study,” Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei Memorie 25 (1982): 431–525; ibid., “Two further inscriptions from ,” in Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet , ed. M. Rosen-Ayalon (Jerusalem, 1977), 261–5.
15 Mouton, J. M., “Autour des inscriptions de la forteresse de ( al-Ğundī) au Sinaï),” Annales Islamologiques 28 (1994): 30–57; Mouton, J. M. and Sāmi al-Mālik, “Les decors animaliers de la forteresse de ( al-Ğundī),” Annales Islamologiques 28 (1994): 60–9; Mouton, J. M. and Sāmī al-Mālik, “La route de Saladin ( wa Ayla) au Sinaï,” Annales Islamologiques 30 (1996): 42–70; Mouton, J., “Sadr au Sinaï, la forteresse de Saladin,” Archéologie 410 (2004): 28–39.
16 Creswell, Fortification ,
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