highly radicalized subsection of Palestinian society who saw themselves as hard-core Islamic loyalists. They despised Israel and were deeply committed to jihad, a âholy warâ against the âZionist infidelsâ and their conspirators from the âGreat Satanâ known as America. They werenât the vast majority of Palestinians. They werenât even a plurality. They werenât ânominalâ Muslims. They were true believers, andâthough sheâd never admit it to anyone in this carâwhat they believed terrified McCoy.
They were âIslamists,â and during Americaâs long war on terror a lot had been learned about the financial, technical, and ideological links between the purists of Islam. The mob closing in on them now had bitterly fought in the streets and in the Palestinian Legislative Council for the imposition of the shariâah, an Islamic legal system not unlike the one the Taliban had imposed on the poor souls of Afghanistan. Like the Taliban, they wanted a world where women couldnât be educated, couldnât work, couldnât show their face. A world where women couldnât wear nail polish, couldnât smile or laugh in public, couldnât listen to Mozart. Indeed, they could be flogged or stoned or killed for trying. They wanted a world where children couldnât play with toys or dolls or watch Sesame Street or have birthday parties. They wanted a world where men ruled and ruled ruthlessly, just like the Taliban.
These were kindred spirits with the Iranian-funded Hezbollah of Lebanon. Theyâd been supporters of Hamas and Islamic Jihad. But wherever they lived or whatever they called themselves, the mission of the âIslamistsâ was the sameâto conquer in the name of Mohammed. Theyâd danced in the streets when the Ayatollah Khomeini led the Islamic revolution in Iran and took Americans hostage for 444 days. Theyâd danced in the streets when Osama bin Laden and the Saudi-funded Al-Qaeda attacked the World Trade Center and Pentagon on September 11, 2001. And in the subsequent U.S. war in Afghanistan, theyâd joyfully sided with their âMuslim brothersâ in the Taliban.
One Reuters headline McCoy had come across before leaving Washington now came flashing back: âHamas Backs Taliban, Urges Muslim Unity.â The article was dated September 14, 2001, just three days after the terrorist attacks that left three thousand Americans dead. Cited prominently in the story, Abdel-Aziz al-Rantissi of Hamas couldnât have been more clear. âI join the cause for Muslims to be united in order to deter the United States from launching war against Muslims in Afghanistan,â al-Rantissi said proudly. âIt is impossible for Muslims to stand handcuffed and blindfolded while other Muslims, their brothers, are being attacked. The Muslim world should stand up against the American threats which are fed by the Jews.â
There it was, in black and white. The âdotsâ were âconnected.â Radical Muslims in Gaza and the West Bank were soul mates with their brethren in Afghanistan, not to mention those in Tehran and Riyadh. They saw the world the same way. They fought for the same objectives. Theyâd supported each other in the same struggles. This was an alien world into which she and Bennett had just been submerged. It was an alien world out of which they now had to fight.
McCoy fought back a flood of emotions. Her own father had died fighting radical Islam. Was she destined to do the same? Sean McCoy had worked for the CIA. Now she did, too. Heâd been a senior advisor to the president of the United States. Now she was, too. Despite his strong marriage, heâd struggled with putting his career ahead of love. Wasnât she doing that, too? âThere are only two places for a woman,â a Taliban leader once said. âIn her husbandâs house, and in the
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