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New Rochelle, Melbourne, and Sydney: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 82.
    6. Ibid., pp. 83-4.
    7. Gamini Salgado,
The Elizabethan Underworld
(New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1992), p. 1.
    8. Ibid., p. 35. I remind the reader of my intention to modify Elizabethan spelling; the original reads: “… araied in purple and skarlat, & guilded with golde, & precious stones, and pearles, and had a cup of golde in her hand, ful g of abominations” and “ f This woman is the Antichrist, that is, the Pope with ye whole bodie of his filthy creatures, … whose beauty onely standeth in outwarde pompe & immprudencie and craft like a strumpet ….” Though it may cause difficulty, guilded has been allowed to stand because this spelling associates gild with guilt and guild . Care must be exercised in the era of Shakespeare and Donne not to drain the words of the full range of their colors simply for the sake of immediate clarity. Reference marks also have been omitted, as they distract and are irrelevant to our purposes.
    9. The Holie Bible Conteynyng the Olde Testament and the Newe [Bishops’ Bible] (1568), sig. *I[t], in Evelyn B. Tribble,
Margins and Marginality: The Printed Page in Early Modern England
(Charlottesville and London: University Press of Virginia, 1993), p. 38.
    10. Evelyn B. Tribble,
Margins and Marginality: The Printed Page in Early Modern England
(Charlottesville and London: University Press of Virginia, 1993), p. 43.
    11. Most of the time the convenience of the reader dictates that each separate citation be given a separate footnote. This paragraph is an exception. All of the diverse citations come to me from a single source: D. F. McKenzie, “
Printers of the Mind: Some Notes on Bibliographical Theories and Printing-House Practices
,” Studies in Bibliography , vol. 22, 1969. This grouping of citations alerts the reader to the fact that I make no claim to original research, a claim that a trail of footnotes through the paragraph might make unwittingly. The references in order of appearance: 1. E. S. Furniss,
The Position of the Laborer in a System of Nationalism
(1920), p. 234: see McKenzie, note 15, p. 11. (McKenzie asserts in the footnote: “The contemporary evidence cited by Furniss is full and detailed.”) 2. For Thomas Manly see D. C. Coleman, “
Labour in the English Economy of the 17th Century
,” Economic History Review , 2nd ser. VIII (1956), pp. 280-95: McKenzie, note 15, p. 11. 3. For “anonymous,” see
Some Thoughts on the Interest of Money
, cited by Furniss. 4. For Benjamin Prince, see “
Notes on Printing at Cambridge, c. 1590
,” trans. Cambridge Bibliographical Society III (1959), p. 102: McKenzie, note 17, p. 11. McKenzie’s introductory comments appear in note 17.
    12. D. F. McKenzie, “
Printers of the Mind: Some Notes on Bibliographical Theories and Printing-House Practices
,” Studies in Bibliography , vol. 22, 1969, p. 9.
    13. Michael Clapham, “
Printing
,” A History of Technology , vol. III, ed. Charles Singer et al. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957), p. 391.
    14. Penny Roberts, “
Agencies Human and Divine: Fire in French Cities, 1520-1720
,” Fear in Early Modern Society , ed. William G. Naphy and Penny Roberts (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1997), p. 13.
    15. Christopher R. Friedrichs,
The Early Modern City 1450-1750
(London and New York: Longman, 1995), p. 278.
    16. Penny Roberts, “
Agencies Human and Divine: Fire in French Cities, 1520-1720
,” Fear in Early Modern Society , ed. William G. Naphy and Penny Roberts (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1997), p. 14.
    17. Friedrichs, ibid., p. 278.
    18. Roberts, ibid., p. 22.
    19. E. Rayher of Northfield, Massachusetts, a present-day printer experienced in the use of small presses and in the casting of type, assures me that the cost of type at that time would justify the added difficulty of