Read Online December Ultimatum by Michael Nicholson - Free Book Online
Authors: Michael Nicholson
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there is no military solution to this emergency, only a military expedient. The Rapid Deployment Force is that expedient. But, in the long term, we must have the Saudis’ agreement to let us stay there. Our problem is, how do we survive the welter of international protests until that agreement is made?’
‘You believe an agreement is possible, Tom?’
‘Not exactly, Mr President.’
‘I don’t follow.’
‘Let me put it to you.’ He stood up and moved a yard away from the table. He folded his arms across his chest and addressed them like the Dean he used to be. ‘I suggest, gentlemen, that the Government of the United States of America, by urgent and immediate appeal to the United Nations, recommends the entire Persian Gulf be declared an International Zone, controlled and policed by UN member states, in a similar way to the peacekeeping forces in Cyprus, Lebanon, the Golan Heights and the Sinai. We shall remind the world that the Gulf area produces over seventy per cent of the world’s oil exports; Saudi Arabia alone has a quarter of the world’s proven oil reserves. But it’s an area that has become so politically volatile that free nations large and small, entirely dependent on Arab oil supplies, are fearful of that oil’s being used for further political and economic blackmail. We shall stress by implication that the International Zone would not violate the sovereignty of any Gulf state and that the UN would guarantee those States their control of their own territorial waters, that is, up to twelve miles from their shores. The only exception will be the Strait of Hormuz, the gateway to the Persian Gulf which is the only sea access to the oilfields. This narrow corridor of sea, only thirty miles across with deep water which is only twelve miles wide, will be under permanent UN scrutiny, patrolled day and night to ensure free access and movements to all ships, except ships of war. The Gulf then, under American sponsorship, will be a zone of peace, and the production of oil in Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Iran and Saudi Arabia and its transportation out on the world’s tanker routes will be thereafter free from harassment. Oil-dependent countries can then plan their future accordingly. That, Mr President, is what I am recommending our immediate tactic should be.’
But the President was frowning. ‘Tom,’ he said, ‘at any other time I would say it was a great idea and worthy of a good deal of effort on our part. But we do not have that time.’
‘Correct,’ said Sorenson.
‘No way I can see the Gulf States agreeing to it,’ said General Warner.
‘That’s right,’ replied Sorenson.
‘The Soviets would veto it all the way along the line,’ said General Browne.
‘Absolutely,’ confirmed Sorenson.
‘Do you realize the enormous difficulties facing sea patrols in an area the size of the Persian Gulf?’ asked Admiral Holliwell.
‘Yes,’ answered Sorenson. ‘Quite impractical.’
‘Tom,’ said the President. ‘You’re talking in riddles. You’re seriously suggesting we put this forward to the United Nations and yet you say it hasn’t a chance?’
‘I am, sir.’ They waited. He said nothing.
‘I think we can do without the inscrutability,’ said Admiral Holliwell after a half-minute had passed.
Sorenson looked at each of them in turn, smiling. Mystification was something he enjoyed. It was his most irritating habit.
‘Mr President,’ he said at last. ‘If you send combat troops into Saudi Arabia, you as our President are going to need protection. This proposal of mine will provide exactly that. It’s an umbrella that will give the Rapid Deployment Force some legitimacy. If we go in without it you are in trouble. This simple strategy will enable us to pre-empt the protests and keep you respectable for a time.’
‘I like it,’ murmured Johns from the end of the table.
‘Much relieved to hear it,’ replied Sorenson. He was still smiling.
‘Genuine attempt to restore
‘You believe an agreement is possible, Tom?’
‘Not exactly, Mr President.’
‘I don’t follow.’
‘Let me put it to you.’ He stood up and moved a yard away from the table. He folded his arms across his chest and addressed them like the Dean he used to be. ‘I suggest, gentlemen, that the Government of the United States of America, by urgent and immediate appeal to the United Nations, recommends the entire Persian Gulf be declared an International Zone, controlled and policed by UN member states, in a similar way to the peacekeeping forces in Cyprus, Lebanon, the Golan Heights and the Sinai. We shall remind the world that the Gulf area produces over seventy per cent of the world’s oil exports; Saudi Arabia alone has a quarter of the world’s proven oil reserves. But it’s an area that has become so politically volatile that free nations large and small, entirely dependent on Arab oil supplies, are fearful of that oil’s being used for further political and economic blackmail. We shall stress by implication that the International Zone would not violate the sovereignty of any Gulf state and that the UN would guarantee those States their control of their own territorial waters, that is, up to twelve miles from their shores. The only exception will be the Strait of Hormuz, the gateway to the Persian Gulf which is the only sea access to the oilfields. This narrow corridor of sea, only thirty miles across with deep water which is only twelve miles wide, will be under permanent UN scrutiny, patrolled day and night to ensure free access and movements to all ships, except ships of war. The Gulf then, under American sponsorship, will be a zone of peace, and the production of oil in Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman, Iran and Saudi Arabia and its transportation out on the world’s tanker routes will be thereafter free from harassment. Oil-dependent countries can then plan their future accordingly. That, Mr President, is what I am recommending our immediate tactic should be.’
But the President was frowning. ‘Tom,’ he said, ‘at any other time I would say it was a great idea and worthy of a good deal of effort on our part. But we do not have that time.’
‘Correct,’ said Sorenson.
‘No way I can see the Gulf States agreeing to it,’ said General Warner.
‘That’s right,’ replied Sorenson.
‘The Soviets would veto it all the way along the line,’ said General Browne.
‘Absolutely,’ confirmed Sorenson.
‘Do you realize the enormous difficulties facing sea patrols in an area the size of the Persian Gulf?’ asked Admiral Holliwell.
‘Yes,’ answered Sorenson. ‘Quite impractical.’
‘Tom,’ said the President. ‘You’re talking in riddles. You’re seriously suggesting we put this forward to the United Nations and yet you say it hasn’t a chance?’
‘I am, sir.’ They waited. He said nothing.
‘I think we can do without the inscrutability,’ said Admiral Holliwell after a half-minute had passed.
Sorenson looked at each of them in turn, smiling. Mystification was something he enjoyed. It was his most irritating habit.
‘Mr President,’ he said at last. ‘If you send combat troops into Saudi Arabia, you as our President are going to need protection. This proposal of mine will provide exactly that. It’s an umbrella that will give the Rapid Deployment Force some legitimacy. If we go in without it you are in trouble. This simple strategy will enable us to pre-empt the protests and keep you respectable for a time.’
‘I like it,’ murmured Johns from the end of the table.
‘Much relieved to hear it,’ replied Sorenson. He was still smiling.
‘Genuine attempt to restore
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