Read Online There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra by Chinua Achebe - Free Book Online
Authors: Chinua Achebe
Ads: Link
the three main ethnic groups. By 1951 they had divided the country into the Northern,
Eastern, and Western Regions, with their own respective houses of assembly, to contain
this rising threat. 10 There was also what many thought was an inane house of chiefs—a poor copy of the
House of Lords of the British Parliament. Clear-eyed pundits saw this mainly as a
political ploy to appease the Northerners and Westerners who wanted their traditional
rulers to play a greater role in Nigerian affairs.
Initially the British resisted any agitations for independence, often by handing out
stiff jail terms for “sedition” to the “disturbers of the peace.” They knew the value
of their colonies, and the natural resources they possessed—in Nigeria’s case oil,
coal, gold, tin, columbite, cocoa, palm oil, groundnuts, and rubber, as well as the
immense human resources and intellectual capital. Surely Great Britain had no plans
to hand all these riches over without a fight.
Over time, however, it became clear to the colonizers that they were engaged in a
losing battle. By the end of World War II Great Britain was financially and politically
exhausted. This weakness was exploited by Mohandas Gandhi and his cohorts in India
during their own struggle against British rule. Nigerian veterans from different theaters
of the war had acquired certain skills—important military expertise in organization,
movement, strategy, and combat—during their service to the king. Another proficiency
that came naturally to this group was the skill of protest, which was quickly absorbed
by the Nigerian nationalists.
Post-Independence Nigeria
By the late 1950s the British were rapidly accepting the inevitability of independence
coming to one of their major colonies, Nigeria. Officers began to retire and return
home to England, vacating their positions in Nigeria’s colonial government. They left
in droves, quietly, amiably, often at night, mainly on ships, but also, particularly
the wealthier ones, on planes. The British clearly had a well-thought-out exit strategy,
with handover plans in place long before we noticed.
Literally all government ministries, public and privately held firms, corporations,
organizations, and schools saw the majority of their expatriate staff leave. Not everyone
left, however; some, particularly in the commercial sector and the oil businesses,
stayed. The civilized behavior of their brethren made this an acceptable development.
While this quiet transition was happening a number of internal jobs, especially the
senior management positions, began to open up for Nigerians, particularly for those
with a university education. It was into these positions vacated by the British that
a number of people like myself were placed—a daunting, exhilarating inheritance that
was not without its anxieties. Most of us felt well prepared, because we had received
an outstanding education. This is not to say that there were not those racked with
doubt, and sometimes outright dread. There were. But most of us were ready to take
destiny in our own hands, and for a while at least, it worked quite well.
This “bequest” was much greater than just stepping into jobs left behind by the British.
Members of my generation also moved into homes in the former British quarters previously
occupied by members of the European senior civil service. These homes often came with
servants—chauffeurs, maids, cooks, gardeners, stewards—whom the British had organized
meticulously to “ease their colonial sojourn.” Now following the departure of the
Europeans, many domestic staff stayed in the same positions and were only too grateful
to continue their designated salaried roles in post-independence Nigeria. Their masters
were no longer European but their own brothers and sisters. This bequest continued
in the form of new club memberships and access to previously all-white areas
Eastern, and Western Regions, with their own respective houses of assembly, to contain
this rising threat. 10 There was also what many thought was an inane house of chiefs—a poor copy of the
House of Lords of the British Parliament. Clear-eyed pundits saw this mainly as a
political ploy to appease the Northerners and Westerners who wanted their traditional
rulers to play a greater role in Nigerian affairs.
Initially the British resisted any agitations for independence, often by handing out
stiff jail terms for “sedition” to the “disturbers of the peace.” They knew the value
of their colonies, and the natural resources they possessed—in Nigeria’s case oil,
coal, gold, tin, columbite, cocoa, palm oil, groundnuts, and rubber, as well as the
immense human resources and intellectual capital. Surely Great Britain had no plans
to hand all these riches over without a fight.
Over time, however, it became clear to the colonizers that they were engaged in a
losing battle. By the end of World War II Great Britain was financially and politically
exhausted. This weakness was exploited by Mohandas Gandhi and his cohorts in India
during their own struggle against British rule. Nigerian veterans from different theaters
of the war had acquired certain skills—important military expertise in organization,
movement, strategy, and combat—during their service to the king. Another proficiency
that came naturally to this group was the skill of protest, which was quickly absorbed
by the Nigerian nationalists.
Post-Independence Nigeria
By the late 1950s the British were rapidly accepting the inevitability of independence
coming to one of their major colonies, Nigeria. Officers began to retire and return
home to England, vacating their positions in Nigeria’s colonial government. They left
in droves, quietly, amiably, often at night, mainly on ships, but also, particularly
the wealthier ones, on planes. The British clearly had a well-thought-out exit strategy,
with handover plans in place long before we noticed.
Literally all government ministries, public and privately held firms, corporations,
organizations, and schools saw the majority of their expatriate staff leave. Not everyone
left, however; some, particularly in the commercial sector and the oil businesses,
stayed. The civilized behavior of their brethren made this an acceptable development.
While this quiet transition was happening a number of internal jobs, especially the
senior management positions, began to open up for Nigerians, particularly for those
with a university education. It was into these positions vacated by the British that
a number of people like myself were placed—a daunting, exhilarating inheritance that
was not without its anxieties. Most of us felt well prepared, because we had received
an outstanding education. This is not to say that there were not those racked with
doubt, and sometimes outright dread. There were. But most of us were ready to take
destiny in our own hands, and for a while at least, it worked quite well.
This “bequest” was much greater than just stepping into jobs left behind by the British.
Members of my generation also moved into homes in the former British quarters previously
occupied by members of the European senior civil service. These homes often came with
servants—chauffeurs, maids, cooks, gardeners, stewards—whom the British had organized
meticulously to “ease their colonial sojourn.” Now following the departure of the
Europeans, many domestic staff stayed in the same positions and were only too grateful
to continue their designated salaried roles in post-independence Nigeria. Their masters
were no longer European but their own brothers and sisters. This bequest continued
in the form of new club memberships and access to previously all-white areas
Similar Books
