Read Online There Was a Country: A Personal History of Biafra by Chinua Achebe - Free Book Online Page A
Authors: Chinua Achebe
Ads: Link
of town,
restaurants, and theaters.
—
This account about the handover of power I have just provided is perhaps too wonderful
to be absolutely true. History teaches us that people who have been oppressed—this
is the language of the freedom fight, and it was a fight—are often too ready to let
bygones be bygones. Clearly it was more complicated than that; it was a long struggle.
Having said that, I think most who were there would admit that when the moment came,
it was handled quite well.
One example that I will give to illustrate the complexity of that moment of transition
occurred at the very highest level of government. When Britain decided to hand over
power to Nigeria, they also decided to change the governor general. They brought a
new governor general from the Sudan, Sir James Robertson, to take the reins in Nigeria.
Now that Independence Day was approaching a number of onlookers were wondering why
there was a new posting from Britain, and no provision made for a Nigerian successor.
It became clear that Sir James was going to be there on Independence Day and, as it
turned out, wanted to stay on as governor general for a whole year into the period
of freedom. One wondered how he was going to leave. Would it be in disgrace? Would
he be hiding, or something of the sort?
It is now widely known that Sir James Robertson played an important role in overseeing
the elections (or lack thereof) at independence, throwing his weight behind Abubakar
Tafawa Balewa, who had been tapped to become Nigeria’s first prime minister.
I remember hearing Azikiwe comment years later on those events. He was asked in a
small gathering: “Why did Sir James Robertson not go home, like the other people who
were leaving?”
Azikiwe made light of the question: “Well, when he told me that he was going to stay
on, I said to him, Go on, stay as long as you like.” The laughter that followed did
not obscure the greater meaning of his statement.
—
Later it was discovered that a courageous English junior civil servant named Harold
Smith had been selected by no other than Sir James Robertson to oversee the rigging
of Nigeria’s first election
“
so that its compliant friends in [Northern Nigeria] would win power, dominate the
country, and serve British interests after independence.” Despite the enticements
of riches and bribes (even a knighthood, we are told), Smith refused to be part of
this elaborate hoax to fix Nigeria’s elections, and he swiftly became one of the casualties
of this mischief. Smith’s decision was a bold choice that cost him his job, career,
and reputation (at least until recently). 1
In a sense, Nigerian independence came with a British governor general in command,
and, one might say, popular faith in genuine democracy was compromised from its birth.
The Decline
Within six years of this tragic colonial manipulation Nigeria was a cesspool of corruption
and misrule. Public servants helped themselves freely to the nation’s wealth. Elections
were blatantly rigged. The subsequent national census was outrageously stage-managed;
judges and magistrates were manipulated by the politicians in power. The politicians
themselves were pawns of foreign business interests. 1
The social malaise in Nigerian society was political corruption. The structure of
the country was such that there was an inbuilt power struggle among the ethnic groups,
and of course those who were in power wanted to stay in power. The easiest and simplest
way to retain it, even in a limited area, was to appeal to tribal sentiments, so they
were egregiously exploited in the 1950s and 1960s.
The original idea of one Nigeria was pressed by the leaders and intellectuals from
the Eastern Region. With all their shortcomings, they had this idea to build the country
as one. The first to object were the Northerners, led by the Sardauna, who were followed
closely by the Awolowo
restaurants, and theaters.
—
This account about the handover of power I have just provided is perhaps too wonderful
to be absolutely true. History teaches us that people who have been oppressed—this
is the language of the freedom fight, and it was a fight—are often too ready to let
bygones be bygones. Clearly it was more complicated than that; it was a long struggle.
Having said that, I think most who were there would admit that when the moment came,
it was handled quite well.
One example that I will give to illustrate the complexity of that moment of transition
occurred at the very highest level of government. When Britain decided to hand over
power to Nigeria, they also decided to change the governor general. They brought a
new governor general from the Sudan, Sir James Robertson, to take the reins in Nigeria.
Now that Independence Day was approaching a number of onlookers were wondering why
there was a new posting from Britain, and no provision made for a Nigerian successor.
It became clear that Sir James was going to be there on Independence Day and, as it
turned out, wanted to stay on as governor general for a whole year into the period
of freedom. One wondered how he was going to leave. Would it be in disgrace? Would
he be hiding, or something of the sort?
It is now widely known that Sir James Robertson played an important role in overseeing
the elections (or lack thereof) at independence, throwing his weight behind Abubakar
Tafawa Balewa, who had been tapped to become Nigeria’s first prime minister.
I remember hearing Azikiwe comment years later on those events. He was asked in a
small gathering: “Why did Sir James Robertson not go home, like the other people who
were leaving?”
Azikiwe made light of the question: “Well, when he told me that he was going to stay
on, I said to him, Go on, stay as long as you like.” The laughter that followed did
not obscure the greater meaning of his statement.
—
Later it was discovered that a courageous English junior civil servant named Harold
Smith had been selected by no other than Sir James Robertson to oversee the rigging
of Nigeria’s first election
“
so that its compliant friends in [Northern Nigeria] would win power, dominate the
country, and serve British interests after independence.” Despite the enticements
of riches and bribes (even a knighthood, we are told), Smith refused to be part of
this elaborate hoax to fix Nigeria’s elections, and he swiftly became one of the casualties
of this mischief. Smith’s decision was a bold choice that cost him his job, career,
and reputation (at least until recently). 1
In a sense, Nigerian independence came with a British governor general in command,
and, one might say, popular faith in genuine democracy was compromised from its birth.
The Decline
Within six years of this tragic colonial manipulation Nigeria was a cesspool of corruption
and misrule. Public servants helped themselves freely to the nation’s wealth. Elections
were blatantly rigged. The subsequent national census was outrageously stage-managed;
judges and magistrates were manipulated by the politicians in power. The politicians
themselves were pawns of foreign business interests. 1
The social malaise in Nigerian society was political corruption. The structure of
the country was such that there was an inbuilt power struggle among the ethnic groups,
and of course those who were in power wanted to stay in power. The easiest and simplest
way to retain it, even in a limited area, was to appeal to tribal sentiments, so they
were egregiously exploited in the 1950s and 1960s.
The original idea of one Nigeria was pressed by the leaders and intellectuals from
the Eastern Region. With all their shortcomings, they had this idea to build the country
as one. The first to object were the Northerners, led by the Sardauna, who were followed
closely by the Awolowo
Similar Books
