unjustified, Halil. The Sultan’s ministers kept a very close watch on Europe. The Grand Vizier was aware that in three crucial years, from 1517 till 1520, the printing press destroyed the monopoly of the Catholic Church: three hundred thousand copies of Martin Luther’s work were printed and distributed in this time.”
“With great respect, Ata, I was aware of that fact, but the price we paid for our retreat into the past was a heavy one. We sealed off the Empire from a crucially important technological advance. The ulema , may they roast in hell, opposed modernisation on principle. Most of the Sultans and the eunuchs and janissaries who surrounded them accepted this view. It is an outrage that we kept the printing press at a distance to prevent the spread of knowledge. And even if you disagree on the printing press, though I really can’t see how you can, surely you must accept that the ban on public clocks was simply senseless. Here, too, the damned beards insisted that time was not linear. It was sacred and circular and could only be determined by the muezzin’s call to prayer. I think our decline is well deserved. This Empire is melting away before our eyes and the clergy and the Sultan watch in silence. It’s too late now. There’s nothing they can do. The Prussians and the British want to keep us alive for their own reasons. If this had not been the case, the Russian Tsar would have eaten us alive by now. We live on borrowed time and borrowed money. Some of us in the army are already discussing the future. The Empire is gone, Ata. The only interesting question is what will take its place.”
Halil’s speech had made everyone thoughtful. It was Uncle Memed who was the first to speak after him.
“There is much wisdom in what you say, boy, but I don’t think our troubles are the result of simply ignoring the printing press. I think the decline started a long time ago, even before Yusuf Pasha’s exile. Our rulers were so delighted with our military successes that they failed to observe their limitations. There was a missing link in the Circle of Equity. Am I not correct, Baron?”
The Baron nodded his agreement. “The Circle was useful, but like the Qabus Nama it was first formulated by a Persian and as we are aware, the Persians make good poets, but bad politicians and even worse priests.”
My father signalled for attention. I read aloud what he had written.
“My son Halil surprises me by his astuteness. I think the failure to modernise ourselves at the beginning of this century is a result of our refusal to accept the printing press and other inventions from Britain and France. Could the Baron explain why he holds the Circle of Equity in such contempt? We were taught its uses when we were being educated in the art of governance. I see nothing wrong in the political theory that has governed our Empire for centuries. It is much better than all this democracy tolerated by Bismarck.”
The Baron, who had been busy munching grilled almonds and pistachios, cleared his throat in a hurry, almost choking in the process. He washed the remnants of the nuts down with some water and then moved his chair close to where my father sat cross-legged on his bed.
“We shall discuss Bismarck another time, Iskander Pasha, but it would be foolish of you to underestimate his genius. He has created a new Germany. In doing so, he has dynamited the scaffolding that protected the Austrian Empire. Berlin matters now, not Vienna. But I will save Bismarck for another day.
“This Circle of Equity which you Ottomans love so much was built on flimsy foundations, Iskander Pasha. It sounds very impressive. It was designed not to solve problems, but to make an impact. Listen now how it rolls off the tongue like Memed the Conqueror’s artillery outside Constantinople. No sovereign authority without an army. No army without wealth. No wealth without loyal subjects. No loyal subjects without justice. No justice without harmony on
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