got there, Bush said; he means well and we should help him succeed. Back and forth they went, Bush noting the possibilities and the need to help Abu Mazen succeed, and each time Sharon replying that he could not move during a wave of terror and while Abu Mazen did nothing to end it. It was a conversation they would have over and over during the next two years. Sharon said he would not compromise on security; Bush agreed, but said we had a chance to marginalize Arafat now if we could empower Abu Mazen. You can be a man of security and a man of peace, he urged Sharon.
At its regular Sunday cabinet meeting on May 25, Israel's cabinet approved the Roadmap – but not unanimously. The vote was 12 to 7, with 4 abstentions, once again suggesting that Sharon's coalition was fractious indeed. A day later, Sharon shocked allies and opponents alike by using the word “occupation” for the first time to describe Israel's presence in the Palestinian Territories. Speaking to a Likud audience in Haifa, he said Israel should seek a political arrangement with the Palestinians and added, “The idea that it is possible to continue keeping 3.5 million Palestinians under occupation – yes, it is occupation, you might not like the word, but what is happening is occupation – is bad for Israel and badfor the Palestinians, and bad for the Israeli economy. Controlling 3.5 million Palestinians cannot go on forever.” 18 Here was more evidence that Sharon was intent on a serious negotiation with Abbas and that he would say so at Aqaba.
As June began, Bush headed off in Air Force One for Evian, where the G-8 leaders pressed him for more action on the “peace process.” He had a ready answer: The Red Sea Summits were the next step. They were Bush's first venture into Clinton-style diplomacy on this issue. The meeting in Sharm el-Sheik was an effort to showcase Arab support for the president's efforts, and it was noteworthy more because it happened than for anything said there. In fact, the meeting almost broke down before it began. The heads of state were to meet at a round table in the Movenpick resort, favored by President Mubarak for such sessions. They would discuss the issues privately before moving outside for the reading of a public statement by Mubarak, their host. When Mubarak, Bush, King Abdullah of Jordan, and Abbas (and the other invitee, King Hamad of Bahrain) arrived at the resort, they found that Crown Prince Abdallah of Saudi Arabia had not yet arrived. The minutes ticked by, but still no prince. More and more pressing inquiries were addressed to sweating Saudi diplomats, and finally the explanation was whispered: Abdallah had decided or been told that Sharon would be present – and the prince refused to meet with him.
Sharon was, of course, in Jerusalem, and after repeated efforts to reassure Abdallah of this fact, he finally appeared. But by then the discussion time had ended, and the press was gathered for the leaders’ public appearance together. So after gathering at the roundtable, the leaders simply trooped outside onto the stage to listen together as Mubarak read the agreed statement. Viewers would have noticed that the audience and the press were absolutely wilting in the heat and sharp sunlight, while the leaders appeared – and remained – cool and fresh. This was not an optical illusion but a marvel of American technology. The stage on which the men stood was on the edge of the hill leading down to the sea; it was placed there because that location provided a gorgeous backdrop – Tiran Island and the Red Sea itself. But White House technicians had also brought air conditioning condensers down to the shore by boat and crane, and were piping cold air up the hill and under the stage. The audience saw nothing, but the icy air wafting up from the floor boards kept the leaders in a kind of cold bubble.
“The Goal Today Is to Strengthen Abbas”
From Sharm, the president made the short flight to Aqaba, which
At its regular Sunday cabinet meeting on May 25, Israel's cabinet approved the Roadmap – but not unanimously. The vote was 12 to 7, with 4 abstentions, once again suggesting that Sharon's coalition was fractious indeed. A day later, Sharon shocked allies and opponents alike by using the word “occupation” for the first time to describe Israel's presence in the Palestinian Territories. Speaking to a Likud audience in Haifa, he said Israel should seek a political arrangement with the Palestinians and added, “The idea that it is possible to continue keeping 3.5 million Palestinians under occupation – yes, it is occupation, you might not like the word, but what is happening is occupation – is bad for Israel and badfor the Palestinians, and bad for the Israeli economy. Controlling 3.5 million Palestinians cannot go on forever.” 18 Here was more evidence that Sharon was intent on a serious negotiation with Abbas and that he would say so at Aqaba.
As June began, Bush headed off in Air Force One for Evian, where the G-8 leaders pressed him for more action on the “peace process.” He had a ready answer: The Red Sea Summits were the next step. They were Bush's first venture into Clinton-style diplomacy on this issue. The meeting in Sharm el-Sheik was an effort to showcase Arab support for the president's efforts, and it was noteworthy more because it happened than for anything said there. In fact, the meeting almost broke down before it began. The heads of state were to meet at a round table in the Movenpick resort, favored by President Mubarak for such sessions. They would discuss the issues privately before moving outside for the reading of a public statement by Mubarak, their host. When Mubarak, Bush, King Abdullah of Jordan, and Abbas (and the other invitee, King Hamad of Bahrain) arrived at the resort, they found that Crown Prince Abdallah of Saudi Arabia had not yet arrived. The minutes ticked by, but still no prince. More and more pressing inquiries were addressed to sweating Saudi diplomats, and finally the explanation was whispered: Abdallah had decided or been told that Sharon would be present – and the prince refused to meet with him.
Sharon was, of course, in Jerusalem, and after repeated efforts to reassure Abdallah of this fact, he finally appeared. But by then the discussion time had ended, and the press was gathered for the leaders’ public appearance together. So after gathering at the roundtable, the leaders simply trooped outside onto the stage to listen together as Mubarak read the agreed statement. Viewers would have noticed that the audience and the press were absolutely wilting in the heat and sharp sunlight, while the leaders appeared – and remained – cool and fresh. This was not an optical illusion but a marvel of American technology. The stage on which the men stood was on the edge of the hill leading down to the sea; it was placed there because that location provided a gorgeous backdrop – Tiran Island and the Red Sea itself. But White House technicians had also brought air conditioning condensers down to the shore by boat and crane, and were piping cold air up the hill and under the stage. The audience saw nothing, but the icy air wafting up from the floor boards kept the leaders in a kind of cold bubble.
“The Goal Today Is to Strengthen Abbas”
From Sharm, the president made the short flight to Aqaba, which
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