Read Online Tested by Zion by Elliott Abrams - Free Book Online Page B
Authors: Elliott Abrams
Ads: Link
Israel and a Palestinian state – living side by side in peace and security. The Government and people of Israel welcome the opportunity to renew direct negotiations according to the steps of the Roadmap as adopted by the Israeli government to achieve this vision.
It is in Israel's interest not to govern the Palestinians but for the Palestinians to govern themselves in their own state. A democratic Palestinian state fully at peace with Israel will promote the long-term security and well-being of Israel as a Jewish state.
There can be no peace, however, without the abandonment and elimination of terrorism, violence, and incitement. We will work alongside the Palestinians and other states to fight terrorism, violence and incitement of all kinds.
We can also reassure our Palestinian partners that we understand the importance of territorial contiguity in the West Bank, for a viable, Palestinian state. Israeli policy in the territories that are subject to direct negotiations with the Palestinians will reflect this fact.
We accept the principle that no unilateral actions by any party can prejudge the outcome of our negotiations.
In regard to the unauthorized outposts, I want to reiterate that Israel is a society governed by the rule of law. Thus, we will immediately begin to remove unauthorized outposts.
Israel seeks peace with all its Arab neighbors. Israel is prepared to negotiate in good faith wherever there are partners. As normal relations are established, I am confident that they will find in Israel a neighbor and a people committed to comprehensive peace and prosperity for all the peoples of the region. 21
Before his private meetings with Abbas and Sharon, the president met briefly with King Abdullah, the host at Aqaba; in fact, all the meetings took place at his palace there. President Bush was impressed by Abbas's intentions but still worried about Arafat. If he reemerges, forget the peace process, he told Abdullah; the goal today is to strengthen Abbas, and in particular start getting him control over the security organizations. In this assessment Bush was absolutely correct because, as Sharon had repeatedly told him, there could be no “peace process” while suicide bombs were exploding weekly.
The president first met with Sharon before meeting with Abbas. Sharon was accompanied only by Dubi Weissglas. Dubi had been Sharon's lawyer for many years, since his libel lawsuit against Time magazine in 1983. He was a prosperous Tel Aviv lawyer who served Sharon now as his chief of staff inside the government and in effect as his foreign minister and chief interpreter – interpreter of the world to Sharon and of Sharon to the world. Dubi wasfamous in Israel, and soon enough to us as well, for his endless and often brilliant wisecracks and jokes, which he used to defuse any tense situation or to change the subject when he thought it useful to Israel that he do so. He was Sharon's best press agent and his key interface with the Bush administration. Perhaps most critically for us, Sharon trusted him and he truly spoke for the prime minister as no other Israeli official could. It was not surprising that for this key meeting with Bush, Sharon chose to come only with Dubi.
Bush began with flattery: I called you a man of peace, I meant it, and today you are proving me right. He then repeated his views of Arafat, knowing this too would reassure Sharon: I am never going to deal with him, he told the Israeli. He is no good; he has failed. And the president repeated his commitment to Israeli security, this time with a note of exasperation: Do not worry about that; in fact, if you are really worried about my commitment to Israel's security, which you keep mentioning over and over, take your plane and go home.
Sharon thanked Bush for calling him a man of peace and said that was his goal – but peace and security were inextricably linked. For real peace, peace that brought security, Sharon said he was ready to make
It is in Israel's interest not to govern the Palestinians but for the Palestinians to govern themselves in their own state. A democratic Palestinian state fully at peace with Israel will promote the long-term security and well-being of Israel as a Jewish state.
There can be no peace, however, without the abandonment and elimination of terrorism, violence, and incitement. We will work alongside the Palestinians and other states to fight terrorism, violence and incitement of all kinds.
We can also reassure our Palestinian partners that we understand the importance of territorial contiguity in the West Bank, for a viable, Palestinian state. Israeli policy in the territories that are subject to direct negotiations with the Palestinians will reflect this fact.
We accept the principle that no unilateral actions by any party can prejudge the outcome of our negotiations.
In regard to the unauthorized outposts, I want to reiterate that Israel is a society governed by the rule of law. Thus, we will immediately begin to remove unauthorized outposts.
Israel seeks peace with all its Arab neighbors. Israel is prepared to negotiate in good faith wherever there are partners. As normal relations are established, I am confident that they will find in Israel a neighbor and a people committed to comprehensive peace and prosperity for all the peoples of the region. 21
Before his private meetings with Abbas and Sharon, the president met briefly with King Abdullah, the host at Aqaba; in fact, all the meetings took place at his palace there. President Bush was impressed by Abbas's intentions but still worried about Arafat. If he reemerges, forget the peace process, he told Abdullah; the goal today is to strengthen Abbas, and in particular start getting him control over the security organizations. In this assessment Bush was absolutely correct because, as Sharon had repeatedly told him, there could be no “peace process” while suicide bombs were exploding weekly.
The president first met with Sharon before meeting with Abbas. Sharon was accompanied only by Dubi Weissglas. Dubi had been Sharon's lawyer for many years, since his libel lawsuit against Time magazine in 1983. He was a prosperous Tel Aviv lawyer who served Sharon now as his chief of staff inside the government and in effect as his foreign minister and chief interpreter – interpreter of the world to Sharon and of Sharon to the world. Dubi wasfamous in Israel, and soon enough to us as well, for his endless and often brilliant wisecracks and jokes, which he used to defuse any tense situation or to change the subject when he thought it useful to Israel that he do so. He was Sharon's best press agent and his key interface with the Bush administration. Perhaps most critically for us, Sharon trusted him and he truly spoke for the prime minister as no other Israeli official could. It was not surprising that for this key meeting with Bush, Sharon chose to come only with Dubi.
Bush began with flattery: I called you a man of peace, I meant it, and today you are proving me right. He then repeated his views of Arafat, knowing this too would reassure Sharon: I am never going to deal with him, he told the Israeli. He is no good; he has failed. And the president repeated his commitment to Israeli security, this time with a note of exasperation: Do not worry about that; in fact, if you are really worried about my commitment to Israel's security, which you keep mentioning over and over, take your plane and go home.
Sharon thanked Bush for calling him a man of peace and said that was his goal – but peace and security were inextricably linked. For real peace, peace that brought security, Sharon said he was ready to make
Similar Books
