this account. At the time when I did much of my interviewing, Americans made
up nearly three-quarters of all JET participants; moreover, I was unable to visit Japanese consulates outside the United States and thus my data on the
selection process in other countries are much thinner than I would have
liked. My own positioning as a middle-class Anglo-American has undoubtedly colored my analysis in subtle ways as well, though I have made
a concerted effort to highlight differences among JET participants both between and within nationalities. Second, this book focuses heavily on the
ALT (assistant language teacher) component of the JET program rather than
the CIR (coordinator of international relations) or SEA (sports exchange advisor) components. While there are significant similarities among these,
there are also important differences, and the complex roles of the CIR and
SEA in local government are among the many topics that merit further
study. And third, the book emphasizes conflict resolution and policy formation during the early years of the JET Program. In part, this emphasis is
simply a function of the time at which I conducted most of my research;
however, there are also strong theoretical reasons for it. The formative period of the program deserves a closer analysis because that is when most of
the current policies were being hammered out; thus, it is when differences
among the actors were thrown into highest relief. Nonetheless, I do not
mean to slight the many ways in which Japanese and JET participants have
worked together since those early years to create new projects beneficial to
Japanese society, for it is in these cooperative activities that the program's
lasting impact will be felt.
The primary emphasis in this book is on the process of "internationalization" in Japan rather than an evaluation of the JET Program per se. Put
simply, I seek to understand how the JET Program evolved and how that
form is a product of the historical, social, and political contexts in which the
program is embedded.60
Nevertheless, the one question that I was asked over and over again during the course of my fieldwork is, Does the JET Program work? Obviously,
the answer depends on one's perspective. Judged by different criteria, the
JET Program can look either wonderfully impressive or horribly bad. In
the course of the book, we will encounter cultural preoccupations, foreign
pressures, political maneuvering, and bureaucratic decision making: these
may or may not satisfy anyone as demonstrations of "internationalization" or the "failure of internationalization." As we will see, many of the
foreign participants believe that what goes on in JET is not internationalization, while most Japanese officials believe that it is. Rather than seeking
some absolute judgment, I examine how program outcomes are treated by
participants on all sides. Are there demands for measurement? What kind? What criteria do the various parties involved in the JET Program use in
evaluating the program?
I must stress that my intent is not to discredit the JET Program or anyone associated with it. Rather, this book is an account of what happens
when everyone does their best. Through exploring the difficulties encountered on all levels by all participants, Japanese and foreign, during the initial phase of what was essentially a crash course in internationalization, I
aim to show how particular actions are sensible products of complex cultural, political, and historical forces. Before leaping to judgments about
whether the JET Program is good or bad, let us first understand the reasons
why the program came to be the way it is.
Frankly speaking, the purpose of the JET Program was never
focused on the revolution of English education. The main goal was
to get local governments to open up their gates to foreigners. It's
basically a grassroots regional development program.
A Ministry of Home Affairs official
Our main hope
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