the chief rival of the Finance Ministry as
a domestic power broker.'
Nevertheless, the involvement of the Ministry of Home Affairs with
overseas projects of any kind had been virtually nil. Why in the mid-198os would it suddenly decide to get on the bandwagon of internationalization?
The interest of this ministry in "going international" must be viewed in
the context of the rise of regionalism in Japan and the delicate balancing act
required to simultaneously promote this trend and ensure a coordinating
role for itself. While every ministry in Japan has some relationship with
local governments, for Home Affairs those governments are its client
group. This role often pits it as the advocate for local interests against other
ministries. Yet as a central ministry itself, Home Affairs stands atop the
system of local public administration in Japan.'
This dual, even contradictory, role as both proponent and coordinator of
local autonomy necessitates a continual search for new avenues to ensure
its continued leverage vis-a-vis local governments. In 1988 Home Affairs
engineered and administered the ichioku furusato (one million for hometowns) policy attributed to former Prime Minister Takeshita: the onetime
deal provided each municipality in Japan with one million yen, no strings
attached, to promote local development. In addition, as the agency charged
with promoting regional development and local autonomy, Home Affairs
has long promoted a campaign against ikkyoku shucho, or the concentration of resources in Tokyo.
In the 197os and 198os, however, local governments throughout Japan
began vigorously pursuing overseas contacts and establishing international exchange programs. Of course, some local governments had formed
independent ties with foreign cities much earlier. Prefectures and municipalities along the Japan Sea coast, for example, have a long history of trade
relations with Korea and China. But the movement to cultivate links outside a national framework has been driven in recent years by the boom in
sister-city relationships. While these were often superficial connections designed to give prefectural and municipal officials an excuse for traveling
abroad, they nevertheless represented independent contacts with foreign
entities. Some of Japan's bigger cities, such as Yokohama, now have ten or
more sister cities all over the world. Moreover, with the increase in the
numbers of returnee students, foreign students in Japanese universities,
resident foreigners, and participants in various overseas exchange programs, many prefectural governments in the i98os created an entirely new
administrative section for the oversight of international issues: the international relations division (kokusai koryuka) within the prefectural office.
The effect of these local initiatives was to force the Ministry of Home
Affairs into an uncomfortable and unfamiliar role. Accustomed to providing top-down guidance to local governments, officials found themselves mere bystanders. In addition, when local governments did approach them
for guidance on international matters, they found it frustrating to have to
rely exclusively on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and their overseas offices to be their eyes and ears abroad.
Going international was therefore a logical next step, and in 1985 the
Ministry of Home Affairs established an advisory board (kokusaika iinkai)
to research ways in which its international profile could be enhanced. The
composition of the committee was itself an admission of the ministry's lack
of experience in this area. In addition to several ministry officials, it included Okawara Yoshio, former Japanese ambassador to the United States;
Eto Shinkichi, the former president of Asia University; and William Horsley, a BBC correspondent. Based on the deliberations of this committee, the
Ministry of Home Affairs released a report in July of 1985 titled Plans for
International Exchange Projects, which
Vernor Vinge
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jon stokes