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Authors: Chien-Peng Chung
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domestic public opinion, the different priorities of state or societal actors, and other psychological, cultural and environmental factors, explain the non-confrontation, non-negotiation and non-abandonment stance taken by contesting countries in a particular dispute? These factors will be raised and examined in my study.
2 The two-level game hypothesis
1 Robert D. Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-level
Games,” International Organization, summer 1988, vol.42, no. 3, 427-460. Article appears in the appendix of Peter B. Evans, Harold K. Jacobson and Robert D. Putnam (eds) Double-Edged Diplomacy: International Bargaining and Domestic Politics (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 431-468. The basic concepts and terminology employed and explained in this section are derived from the listed article. All page-number references to the Putnam article are from the Double-Edged Diplomacy book.
2 Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics,” 443.
3 Ibid., 439.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid., 438.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
8 JMd., 443.
9 Ibid., 446.
10 Ibid., 444.
11 Ibid. , 448.
12 Helen V Milner, Interests, Institutions, and Information: Domestic Politics and Inter-national Relations (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), chapter 3, “A Model of the Two-level Game,” 67-98.
13 Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics,” 451.
14 腿 ., 452. '
15 ML, 456.
16 Roger Fisher, International Conflict for Beginners (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 94-95.
3 The Diaoyu/Tiaoyutai/Senkaku Islands dispute
Introduction
The recurring dispute over the Diaoyu/Tiaoyutai/Senkaku rocks conducted between Japan, (the People’s Republic of) China and Taiwan/Republic of China raises important issues of territorial sovereignty claims, access to maritime (fisheries and petroleum) resources, and the strategic sensitivities of these countries. The relevance of the dispute lies in its implications for the wider context of the countries’ approaches to other outstanding maritime and island disputes, and the way in which the issue has been, and will be, exploited by domestic political groups to further their own objectives, in spite of attempts by the governments to play down the incidents in the interest of overall foreign relations, economic ties and regional stability.
The timing, method and intensity of the claim, when it was periodically reasserted, were dictated not only by the positions of the three countries on the sovereignty question, but more importantly, by domestic factors not fully within the control of the governments. These factors include the rise of nationalism or irredentism on China, the competition for legitimacy on Taiwan between separatist and pro-unification forces involving the powerful fishing lobby, and the influence of right-wing nationalist groups in Japanese politics. While the original dispute in 1970-1972 arose as a result of contending claims to oil deposits found under the sea-bed adjacent to the Senkaku rocks, it was magnified by Taiwanese student demonstrators in North America and Taiwan. These “Protect Tiaoyutai” activities started the trend of popular protests by Taiwanese, Hong Kongers and overseas Chinese over the controversy. The 1978 incident was caused by members of a Japanese right-wing nationalist group, the setrenKat, erecting a lighthouse on the biggest of the rocks. They did this to promote efforts by rightist Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) negotiators to the China-Japan Peace Treaty in Beijing to pressure the Chinese government to concede sovereignty over the Senkakus in exchange for the inclusion of an “anti-hegemony” clause in the treaty against the Soviet Union. The 1990 incident was the result of another right-wing group - the Nihon Seinensha (Japanese Youth Federation) - planting border markers on one of the disputed rocks, which
2 The two-level game hypothesis
1 Robert D. Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-level
Games,” International Organization, summer 1988, vol.42, no. 3, 427-460. Article appears in the appendix of Peter B. Evans, Harold K. Jacobson and Robert D. Putnam (eds) Double-Edged Diplomacy: International Bargaining and Domestic Politics (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 431-468. The basic concepts and terminology employed and explained in this section are derived from the listed article. All page-number references to the Putnam article are from the Double-Edged Diplomacy book.
2 Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics,” 443.
3 Ibid., 439.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid., 438.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
8 JMd., 443.
9 Ibid., 446.
10 Ibid., 444.
11 Ibid. , 448.
12 Helen V Milner, Interests, Institutions, and Information: Domestic Politics and Inter-national Relations (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), chapter 3, “A Model of the Two-level Game,” 67-98.
13 Putnam, “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics,” 451.
14 腿 ., 452. '
15 ML, 456.
16 Roger Fisher, International Conflict for Beginners (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 94-95.
3 The Diaoyu/Tiaoyutai/Senkaku Islands dispute
Introduction
The recurring dispute over the Diaoyu/Tiaoyutai/Senkaku rocks conducted between Japan, (the People’s Republic of) China and Taiwan/Republic of China raises important issues of territorial sovereignty claims, access to maritime (fisheries and petroleum) resources, and the strategic sensitivities of these countries. The relevance of the dispute lies in its implications for the wider context of the countries’ approaches to other outstanding maritime and island disputes, and the way in which the issue has been, and will be, exploited by domestic political groups to further their own objectives, in spite of attempts by the governments to play down the incidents in the interest of overall foreign relations, economic ties and regional stability.
The timing, method and intensity of the claim, when it was periodically reasserted, were dictated not only by the positions of the three countries on the sovereignty question, but more importantly, by domestic factors not fully within the control of the governments. These factors include the rise of nationalism or irredentism on China, the competition for legitimacy on Taiwan between separatist and pro-unification forces involving the powerful fishing lobby, and the influence of right-wing nationalist groups in Japanese politics. While the original dispute in 1970-1972 arose as a result of contending claims to oil deposits found under the sea-bed adjacent to the Senkaku rocks, it was magnified by Taiwanese student demonstrators in North America and Taiwan. These “Protect Tiaoyutai” activities started the trend of popular protests by Taiwanese, Hong Kongers and overseas Chinese over the controversy. The 1978 incident was caused by members of a Japanese right-wing nationalist group, the setrenKat, erecting a lighthouse on the biggest of the rocks. They did this to promote efforts by rightist Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) negotiators to the China-Japan Peace Treaty in Beijing to pressure the Chinese government to concede sovereignty over the Senkakus in exchange for the inclusion of an “anti-hegemony” clause in the treaty against the Soviet Union. The 1990 incident was the result of another right-wing group - the Nihon Seinensha (Japanese Youth Federation) - planting border markers on one of the disputed rocks, which
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