attack, they took several Jews out to a quarry and shot them.
A former political prisoner named Rudolf Wunderlich provided further evidence that the SS guards at the concentration camp in Sachsenhausen were quite agitated about the attack. Around November 14, according to his testimony, Dr. Tuppy, a former prosecutor in Vienna, was taken there as a prisoner. The Nazis still had a score to settle with Tuppy. In accordance with prevailing law, he had at one time brought charges against the National Socialist murderers of the Austrian chancellor, Engelbert Dollfuss. Now, upon entering the âPolitical Department,â (Gestapo headquarters inside the camp), he was almost bludgeoned to death. Later that evening he died in the infirmary.
The news of the Bürgerbräu attack left everyone in a confused state. The Nazis exerted relentless pressure to conformâanyone whose statements attracted attention was turned over to the Gestapo, yet anyone who was reticent could be considered suspicious. Those who had always been vulnerable, such as the Jews, were better off withdrawing completely, avoiding dangerous people or keeping quiet. The only organizations that had not yet been brought into line and could still take a standâeven if it was only to remain silentâwere the churches. In the SD Report of November 15, the SS was already taking note that the Protestant Church and the Catholic Church were reacting differently to the attack. The Catholic clergy were content to avoid taking a position, while many Protestants sharply condemned it. In the Protestant churches there were âservices thanking God for saving the Führerâ and proclamations from the pulpit praising Hitler. As an example, the report described a church service in Stuttgart. The pastor went far beyond thanking God; he emphasized Hitlerâs service in the First World War, the âbrave act of November 9, 1923,â and the âstruggle for political power.â And he asked God to âgrant our people Lebensraumâ The old God of the Christians had been given an armband with a swastikaâhe had been placed into the ranks of the Alte Kämpfer.
On November 22, the SD followed up with another notice, stating that the Catholic Church had consented to adopt a position condemning the attack. The notice went on to report that the newsletters for the bishoprics of Passau and Freiburg had published statements on November 19 expressing thanks that the Führerâs life had been spared. In Freiburg they repeated the Nazi gospel that âforeign powersâ were at work, citing Himmler as a source.
Internally, the SS did not suppress the fact that there were doubts among the Catholic clergy about the Party line on the attack. An informant reported from an assembly of priests in Fulda that they believed the claim made by the radio station in Strasbourg that the attack could be traced to Party circles. A few wise members of the clergy expressed the opinion âthat it was premature for the death of the Führer since he would have become a martyr of the people.â
Among the Protestants, the bishop of the state of Württemberg, Theophil Wurm, really went overboard. Like the majority of his pastors, he was staunchly nationalistic and anti-Semitic as well. He declared: âTogether with all the German people we are deeply shaken by the criminal attempt on the life of the Führer in Munich. The clergy will take the opportunity in services this coming Sunday to give thanks to God for His merciful protection and renew our fervent prayer that God may continue to keep watch over the Führer and our people.â Wurm was apparently in a state of shock over the attack. In his eyes, Hitler had been protected by God despite whatever unjust or criminal acts he may have committed.
The reactions of the other pastors in Württemberg fell into a gray zone. At many church services there were informants for the Gestapoâthose
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