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over twenty-five other bishops.43 In the eleventh century, the monks of Psalmodi in
Aquitaine believed that the ‘most serene’ Charlemagne refounded the abbey and
placed another monastery under its jurisdiction after Aquitaine had been ravaged by
pagans.44 Ademar of Chabannes claimed that the monastery of Saint-Philibert of
Noirmoutier had been founded by Charlemagne (although it had not).45 Shortly after
Ademar wrote in the eleventh century, the abbey of Saint-Savin (near the Pyrenees)
pushed its foundation back to the time of Charlemagne, making their real founder,
Count Raymond of Bigorre (d. 958), the abbey’s refounder.46 The monastery of
Sant’Antimo in Tuscany got Emperor Henry III in 1051 to confirm their legendary
foundation by Charlemagne.47 In the middle of the eleventh century, a false diploma
for La Réole said that Charles had built that priory and also generously endowed its
mother house (Fleury) at the same time.48 Although the Astronomer said that Louis
the Pious had reformed the monastery of Conques, both the eleventh-century Chron-
icon sancti Maxentii Pictavensisi and Hugh of Fleury in the early twelfth century said
that this was actually Charlemagne.49 The bishopric of Bremen claimed in the
eleventh century that Charles had established its see.50 The bishops of Verden in
Saxony claimed the same in the early twelfth century.51 At about the same time, a
forged diploma asserted that the great Frankish emperor had given the church of St
Peregrin, which Charles had founded after seeing a vision of the saint, to the monastery
of San Vincenzo al Volturno.52
In claiming that Charlemagne had a hand in their foundation (or refounda-
tion), monastic authors accomplished two things. First, by linking themselves to
Charlemagne’s reign, they reinforced the character of his Golden Age. In his recent
study of the Charlemagne legend in modern France, Robert Morrissey suggested
that legends generally develop in one of two ways: either with a logic of narration
(horizontally, where contradictions are not allowed) or with a logic of accumula-
tion (vertically, where contradictions are alright).53 The existence of different
versions of the same event would indicate a legend developed by accumulation.
This latter type of development certainly was at work in the Charlemagne legend.
David Ganz gives the example of a ninth-century manuscript that has Einhard’s
Vita Karoli inserted into the middle of the ARF, just before the reign of Louis the
43 Carlo Dolcini, ‘Il falso diploma di Carlo Magno per la Chiesa di Ravenna (787)’, in Fälschungen
im Mittelalter, 6 vols. (Hanover, 1988), iv. 159–66.
44 Caroli Magni Diplomata, ed. Mühlbacher, i, no. 303.
45 Ademar of Chabannes, Chronicon, ed. R. Landes and G. Pon, CCCM (Turnhout, 1999),
129: 132. On the veracity of this claim, see Ademar, Chronicon, ed. Landes and Pon, 256.
46 Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Saint-Savin en Lavedan (v. 975–v. 1180), ed. Alphonse Meillon
(Cauterets, 1920), 249–50. This portion of the prefatory chronicle was written c.1059–69.
47 Heinrici III. Diplomata, ed. Bresslau and Kehr, v, no. 271.
48 Cartulaire du prieuré de Saint-Pierre de la Réole, ed. Ch. Grellet-Balguerie, Archives historiques de la Gironde, 5 (1863), no. 102.
49 Sources discussed and summarized in Walter Cahn, ‘Observations on the A of Charlemagne in
the Treasure of the Abbey of Conques’, Gesta, 45 (2006), 97–100.
50 Caroli Magni Diplomata, ed. Mühlbacher, i, no. 245.
51 Ibid., no. 240.
52 Ibid., no. 315.
53 Morrissey, Charlemagne, 13.
The Birth of a Frankish Golden Age
25
Pious.54 But the foundation legends originating at religious houses seem to have
primarily developed through narration. As each monastery added its own layer to
the Charlemagne legend, the list of his deeds grew longer. The Golden Age
reinforced itself. The development of the legend in this way is similar to a story
passed around a campfire,
over twenty-five other bishops.43 In the eleventh century, the monks of Psalmodi in
Aquitaine believed that the ‘most serene’ Charlemagne refounded the abbey and
placed another monastery under its jurisdiction after Aquitaine had been ravaged by
pagans.44 Ademar of Chabannes claimed that the monastery of Saint-Philibert of
Noirmoutier had been founded by Charlemagne (although it had not).45 Shortly after
Ademar wrote in the eleventh century, the abbey of Saint-Savin (near the Pyrenees)
pushed its foundation back to the time of Charlemagne, making their real founder,
Count Raymond of Bigorre (d. 958), the abbey’s refounder.46 The monastery of
Sant’Antimo in Tuscany got Emperor Henry III in 1051 to confirm their legendary
foundation by Charlemagne.47 In the middle of the eleventh century, a false diploma
for La Réole said that Charles had built that priory and also generously endowed its
mother house (Fleury) at the same time.48 Although the Astronomer said that Louis
the Pious had reformed the monastery of Conques, both the eleventh-century Chron-
icon sancti Maxentii Pictavensisi and Hugh of Fleury in the early twelfth century said
that this was actually Charlemagne.49 The bishopric of Bremen claimed in the
eleventh century that Charles had established its see.50 The bishops of Verden in
Saxony claimed the same in the early twelfth century.51 At about the same time, a
forged diploma asserted that the great Frankish emperor had given the church of St
Peregrin, which Charles had founded after seeing a vision of the saint, to the monastery
of San Vincenzo al Volturno.52
In claiming that Charlemagne had a hand in their foundation (or refounda-
tion), monastic authors accomplished two things. First, by linking themselves to
Charlemagne’s reign, they reinforced the character of his Golden Age. In his recent
study of the Charlemagne legend in modern France, Robert Morrissey suggested
that legends generally develop in one of two ways: either with a logic of narration
(horizontally, where contradictions are not allowed) or with a logic of accumula-
tion (vertically, where contradictions are alright).53 The existence of different
versions of the same event would indicate a legend developed by accumulation.
This latter type of development certainly was at work in the Charlemagne legend.
David Ganz gives the example of a ninth-century manuscript that has Einhard’s
Vita Karoli inserted into the middle of the ARF, just before the reign of Louis the
43 Carlo Dolcini, ‘Il falso diploma di Carlo Magno per la Chiesa di Ravenna (787)’, in Fälschungen
im Mittelalter, 6 vols. (Hanover, 1988), iv. 159–66.
44 Caroli Magni Diplomata, ed. Mühlbacher, i, no. 303.
45 Ademar of Chabannes, Chronicon, ed. R. Landes and G. Pon, CCCM (Turnhout, 1999),
129: 132. On the veracity of this claim, see Ademar, Chronicon, ed. Landes and Pon, 256.
46 Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Saint-Savin en Lavedan (v. 975–v. 1180), ed. Alphonse Meillon
(Cauterets, 1920), 249–50. This portion of the prefatory chronicle was written c.1059–69.
47 Heinrici III. Diplomata, ed. Bresslau and Kehr, v, no. 271.
48 Cartulaire du prieuré de Saint-Pierre de la Réole, ed. Ch. Grellet-Balguerie, Archives historiques de la Gironde, 5 (1863), no. 102.
49 Sources discussed and summarized in Walter Cahn, ‘Observations on the A of Charlemagne in
the Treasure of the Abbey of Conques’, Gesta, 45 (2006), 97–100.
50 Caroli Magni Diplomata, ed. Mühlbacher, i, no. 245.
51 Ibid., no. 240.
52 Ibid., no. 315.
53 Morrissey, Charlemagne, 13.
The Birth of a Frankish Golden Age
25
Pious.54 But the foundation legends originating at religious houses seem to have
primarily developed through narration. As each monastery added its own layer to
the Charlemagne legend, the list of his deeds grew longer. The Golden Age
reinforced itself. The development of the legend in this way is similar to a story
passed around a campfire,
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