Read Online A Nation Betrayed: Secret Cold War Experiments Performed on Our Children and Other Innocent People by Carol Rutz - Free Book Online Page B
Authors: Carol Rutz
Tags: Politics & Social Sciences, Law, Human Rights, Intelligence & Espionage, Politics & Government, Specific Topics, Constitutional Law
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behalf of the President. According to Tatum, the directors of Pegasus meet once a year in secret conclave following G7 meetings. The mission of Pegasus, Tatum explains is “to ‘align’ world leaders and financiers to our [US] policies and standards.”
Lyman Kirkpatrick, who had been appointed Inspector General of the CIA in the fifties by Frank Wisner, characterized the entire covert operation as pretty much a matter of “who’s manipulating whom.” In an interview in 1982 with Burton Hersh he said, “That’s why controls are important. It’s done through money, the development of friendships, of mutuality of interests. You get people so much in your debt, under your control that they can’t break off or betray you.” 90
Burton Hersh also reported that Allen Dulles relied on commercial associations to mask the Agency’s fund transfers. He says, “The J. Henry Schroder Banking Corporation and the Schroder Trust functioned as prime depositories for CIA monies throughout the fifties and sixties, long after the New York branch had formally been reabsorbed by the London-based J. Henry Schroder and Company, Limited. Like the Kaplan Foundation and half a dozen others which ultimately served as conduits between the accumulating fronts and the proliferation of committees and congresses and institutes and societies, the banking nexus depended on how many layers of concealment an operation might require.” 91
Less you immediately dismiss this as just another conspiracy theory, in November 1998 in an interview with The Observer ; the former US Ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry told a remarkable story. He said it was important to take out of the shadows the last case of US ‘dollar diplomacy’. Korry described still classified cables, and information censored in papers but now available under the US Freedom of Information Act. He had served under Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, and he told how US companies, from cola to copper used the CIA as an international debt collection agency and investment security force.
President-elect Gregory Palast reported that the CIA’s October 1970 plot to overthrow Chile’s Salvador Allende was the direct result of a plea for action a month earlier by PepsiCo chairman, Donald Kendall to the company’s former lawyer, President Richard Nixon. Richard Helms testified that he thought Nixon’s determination to act was the doing of Donald Kendall who had arranged for the owner of the company’s Chilean bottling operation, Agustin Edwards and himself to meet National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger and John Mitchell for breakfast on September 15 1970. Hours later, Nixon called in his CIA chief, Richard Helms and according to Helm’s handwritten notes ordered the CIA to prevent Allende’s inauguration. In fact Nixon told Helms to leave no stone unturned in the attempt to block Allende’s confirmation.
Korry told Palast that in 1963 American-based firms had kicked back millions of dollars to pay for well over half of Eduardo Frei, the Christian Democratic party candidates’ successful election campaign in return for questionable, guarantees and insurance arranged by the US government. They had invested 2 billion dollars in the Chilean economy, consequently the US government committed extraordinary monetary, intelligence and political resources to protect them.
When US financial and political investments faced unexpected jeopardy in 1970 because of Allende’s plans to nationalize their operations, President Nixon came under intense pressure from his political donors in business. The president was aware that the owner of Chile’s phone company, ITT Corporation, was illegally channeling funds into Republican Party coffers. Nixon could not ignore ITT. An ITT board member, ex-CIA director John McCone, pledged Kissinger $1 million in support of CIA action to prevent Allende from taking office. Separately, Anaconda Copper and other multinationals under the
Lyman Kirkpatrick, who had been appointed Inspector General of the CIA in the fifties by Frank Wisner, characterized the entire covert operation as pretty much a matter of “who’s manipulating whom.” In an interview in 1982 with Burton Hersh he said, “That’s why controls are important. It’s done through money, the development of friendships, of mutuality of interests. You get people so much in your debt, under your control that they can’t break off or betray you.” 90
Burton Hersh also reported that Allen Dulles relied on commercial associations to mask the Agency’s fund transfers. He says, “The J. Henry Schroder Banking Corporation and the Schroder Trust functioned as prime depositories for CIA monies throughout the fifties and sixties, long after the New York branch had formally been reabsorbed by the London-based J. Henry Schroder and Company, Limited. Like the Kaplan Foundation and half a dozen others which ultimately served as conduits between the accumulating fronts and the proliferation of committees and congresses and institutes and societies, the banking nexus depended on how many layers of concealment an operation might require.” 91
Less you immediately dismiss this as just another conspiracy theory, in November 1998 in an interview with The Observer ; the former US Ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry told a remarkable story. He said it was important to take out of the shadows the last case of US ‘dollar diplomacy’. Korry described still classified cables, and information censored in papers but now available under the US Freedom of Information Act. He had served under Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, and he told how US companies, from cola to copper used the CIA as an international debt collection agency and investment security force.
President-elect Gregory Palast reported that the CIA’s October 1970 plot to overthrow Chile’s Salvador Allende was the direct result of a plea for action a month earlier by PepsiCo chairman, Donald Kendall to the company’s former lawyer, President Richard Nixon. Richard Helms testified that he thought Nixon’s determination to act was the doing of Donald Kendall who had arranged for the owner of the company’s Chilean bottling operation, Agustin Edwards and himself to meet National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger and John Mitchell for breakfast on September 15 1970. Hours later, Nixon called in his CIA chief, Richard Helms and according to Helm’s handwritten notes ordered the CIA to prevent Allende’s inauguration. In fact Nixon told Helms to leave no stone unturned in the attempt to block Allende’s confirmation.
Korry told Palast that in 1963 American-based firms had kicked back millions of dollars to pay for well over half of Eduardo Frei, the Christian Democratic party candidates’ successful election campaign in return for questionable, guarantees and insurance arranged by the US government. They had invested 2 billion dollars in the Chilean economy, consequently the US government committed extraordinary monetary, intelligence and political resources to protect them.
When US financial and political investments faced unexpected jeopardy in 1970 because of Allende’s plans to nationalize their operations, President Nixon came under intense pressure from his political donors in business. The president was aware that the owner of Chile’s phone company, ITT Corporation, was illegally channeling funds into Republican Party coffers. Nixon could not ignore ITT. An ITT board member, ex-CIA director John McCone, pledged Kissinger $1 million in support of CIA action to prevent Allende from taking office. Separately, Anaconda Copper and other multinationals under the
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