why the government has reported our âcollapseâ hundreds of times. That is why most leftistsâ whining has focused on the âhopelessnessâ of armed struggle. Isolation, the high-security wings, and the Stammheim show trial were meant to destroy what had been built. And then there was â77.
Today, we have no doubt that they decided to let Schleyer die, to risk a hundred people being blown up in Mogadishu, and to liquidate the Stammheim prisoners, because they really hoped and believed that they could be done with it once and for all, or at least for a while.
The unfolding dialectic that has changed everything reveals the nature of the guerilla and of the state, and how the struggle will unfold.
It almost worked, but the irony is that it actually created a situation in which we can continue the struggle in different and better conditions.
Throughout this final endeavor, in which there were no longer any limitsâas a result of the suppression of the â77 offensive, whereby the state had us by the throat and intended to finish us offâthe state had to openly use all its power to repress the entire spectrum of opposition, to repel all criticism, and to establish itself as a social system that cannot be questioned, with all the subtle ramifications that implies. This meant that in the autumn of â77, all real opposition was faced with a new situation and new operating conditions, both in terms of the existing reality and in terms of the prospects for future struggle. This forced everyone to fundamentally redefine their relationship to powerâor else renounce their identity.
At that point, the objective situation was reduced to the most basic issue. Subjectively, many people suddenly had the life-altering realization that if the guerilla had actually come to an end, then all of their hopes and dreams for a different life would have also disappeared. That there would no longer be any clear perspective. That there is only hope as long as there is struggle. That they wanted and needed the guerilla, and that our defeat was their defeat. Once you realize that the guerilla is necessary, the leap to a new consciousness is easy. If the guerilla struggle is all there is, making it material can only meanâon whatever level possibleâsituating yourself within the guerillaâs strategy.
This leap in consciousness was the personal, living moment within real people where the conditions of struggle here changed: INFAVOR OF DEVELOPING A REVOLUTIONARY FRONT IN THE METROPOLE.
There has been an effort over the past seven years to introduce into this political desertâwhere everything is fake, for sale, conditioning, lies, and falsehoodâa spirit and a morale, to introduce a practice and a political orientation in favor of an irreversible disruption and destruction of the system. The guerilla. On the basis of ties to and identification with the struggles in Southeast Asia, in Africa, and in Latin America, an effort has been made to violently assert the existence of the guerilla and to root it here. What Che called the stage of survival and implantation manifested itself here as the stage in which the concept was established, made headway, and was taken upâeven if at a given point the existing illegal armed groups were destroyed. Above all, it is a concept that is violently imposed. In every regard. And in isolation. Not only against a repressive apparatus without historical precedent, but also against the ideas of people we would rather be cooperating with. In this one-dimensional landscape, which has existed for generations, the idea of liberation has difficulty breaking through thick layers of corruption, alienation, and emotional and psychological deformation to reach peopleâs hearts and minds.
At this point, the question of whether to take up arms and struggle in the FRG and Western Europe has been resolved. Itâs obvious. That does not mean that the
Today, we have no doubt that they decided to let Schleyer die, to risk a hundred people being blown up in Mogadishu, and to liquidate the Stammheim prisoners, because they really hoped and believed that they could be done with it once and for all, or at least for a while.
The unfolding dialectic that has changed everything reveals the nature of the guerilla and of the state, and how the struggle will unfold.
It almost worked, but the irony is that it actually created a situation in which we can continue the struggle in different and better conditions.
Throughout this final endeavor, in which there were no longer any limitsâas a result of the suppression of the â77 offensive, whereby the state had us by the throat and intended to finish us offâthe state had to openly use all its power to repress the entire spectrum of opposition, to repel all criticism, and to establish itself as a social system that cannot be questioned, with all the subtle ramifications that implies. This meant that in the autumn of â77, all real opposition was faced with a new situation and new operating conditions, both in terms of the existing reality and in terms of the prospects for future struggle. This forced everyone to fundamentally redefine their relationship to powerâor else renounce their identity.
At that point, the objective situation was reduced to the most basic issue. Subjectively, many people suddenly had the life-altering realization that if the guerilla had actually come to an end, then all of their hopes and dreams for a different life would have also disappeared. That there would no longer be any clear perspective. That there is only hope as long as there is struggle. That they wanted and needed the guerilla, and that our defeat was their defeat. Once you realize that the guerilla is necessary, the leap to a new consciousness is easy. If the guerilla struggle is all there is, making it material can only meanâon whatever level possibleâsituating yourself within the guerillaâs strategy.
This leap in consciousness was the personal, living moment within real people where the conditions of struggle here changed: INFAVOR OF DEVELOPING A REVOLUTIONARY FRONT IN THE METROPOLE.
There has been an effort over the past seven years to introduce into this political desertâwhere everything is fake, for sale, conditioning, lies, and falsehoodâa spirit and a morale, to introduce a practice and a political orientation in favor of an irreversible disruption and destruction of the system. The guerilla. On the basis of ties to and identification with the struggles in Southeast Asia, in Africa, and in Latin America, an effort has been made to violently assert the existence of the guerilla and to root it here. What Che called the stage of survival and implantation manifested itself here as the stage in which the concept was established, made headway, and was taken upâeven if at a given point the existing illegal armed groups were destroyed. Above all, it is a concept that is violently imposed. In every regard. And in isolation. Not only against a repressive apparatus without historical precedent, but also against the ideas of people we would rather be cooperating with. In this one-dimensional landscape, which has existed for generations, the idea of liberation has difficulty breaking through thick layers of corruption, alienation, and emotional and psychological deformation to reach peopleâs hearts and minds.
At this point, the question of whether to take up arms and struggle in the FRG and Western Europe has been resolved. Itâs obvious. That does not mean that the
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