Read Online The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination by Lamar Waldron - Free Book Online

any released FBI files, the House Select Committee looked into the informant’s account and concluded that the incident did occur.
    If Banister and Ferrie were manipulating Oswald for Marcello, under the nose of the CIA and Naval Intelligence, this would resolve many of the lingering mysteries about Oswald’s unusual activities in 1963. In August of that year, while being seen with Banister and Ferrie, Oswald received a surprising amount of TV, radio, and newspaper publicity from a fight Oswald provoked with a Cuban exile leader on the streets of New Orleans. The publicity Oswald secured seems highly unusual given how hard it was for left-wing groups to get any type of press coverage in the early 1960s in politically conservative states like Louisiana and Texas. When Oswald was arrested after the fight, an associate of Carlos Marcello bailed him out of jail. Oswald, Banister, and Ferrie did make one small mistake by using the address of a side entrance to Banister’s office building (544 Camp Street) on some of the pro-Castro flyers that Oswald made a big show of distributing on the streets of New Orleans.
    The CIA had a media-propaganda expert who easily could have arranged such publicity for Oswald. He was David Atlee Phillips, an expert in overthrowing Latin American governments for the CIA and a good friend to CIA officer E. Howard Hunt. In fact, Guy Banister had met with Phillips a couple of years earlier about anti-Castro publicity. Remarkably, Phillips would also reportedly meet with Oswald and Cuban exile leader Antonio Veciana in Dallas in late August or early September to discuss killing Fidel Castro. Congressional investigator Gaeton Fonzi confirmed that meeting, as did my research associate in an interview with Veciana. It’s important to note that Richard Helms was continuing the CIA–Mafia plots in 1963 without telling his own CIA Director (John McCone), Robert Kennedy, or President Kennedy. Those plots included Marcello and Trafficante, as well as their confessed partner in JFK’s murder, Johnny Rosselli, who also visited Guy Banister that summer.
    Oswald’s unusual adventures in Mexico City—David Atlee Phillips’s primary base, though he did missions for Washington that didn’t involve the Mexico City CIA Station Chief—can be explained the same way. Oswald spoke fluent Russian and poor Spanish, but after he visited the Russian and Cuban embassies in an attempt to get to Cuba, someone made calls in excellent Spanish and poor Russian that seemed designed to ensure that Oswald would not get permission to travel to Cuba. It was as if someone wanted him to stay in the United States so he could be of use to them later in the fall. Marcello had the means to make something like that happen. The Mexican Federal Police (DFS) helped the CIA monitor phone surveillance of the Russian and Cuban embassies. However, the DFS was corrupt and involved in the same heroin network used by Trafficante and Marcello. In addition, a CIA asset involved in the CIA–Mafia plots with Trafficante andMarcello had actually bugged a Communist embassy in Mexico City for the CIA not long before, so he would have known much about the monitoring and bugging of Communist embassies there.
    Oswald’s exact actions on the day of the assassination are detailed in Chapters 14 and 15 . Here we’ll note that something important happened as soon as his name surfaced as a suspect: Naval Intelligence staff in charge of monitoring secret surveillance reports on Oswald began destroying their files on him. My Naval Intelligence source was called back to his office in Washington and ordered to sanitize and destroy much of their Oswald surveillance file. That destruction continued until midday Sunday, November 24, and confirmation for that can be found in an FBI memo from several months later. In it, FBI agent T. N. Goble stated that three of Oswald’s fellow Marines “said they had been interviewed about Oswald.” However, “Goble noted that