homeless, and millions more living in un-heated shacks, there had been walkouts by chemical, construction, and municipal workers demanding higher wages for themselvesâand better housing for their families. As the strikes caused industry to grind to a halt, and unrest spread across the nation, Zuma had returned to his home province of KwaZulu-Natal to implore his most faithful supporters to remain patient with him.
It was no surprise when the corruption allegations resurfaced. Zumaâs recurring problems represented new openings for his opposition. If he were again bogged down in legal proceedings, his career as president, one on which many others staked their own careers and reputations, would grind to an abrupt and final haltâ¦and so would the government, at perhaps the worst of times. In the end it would be the South African people who suffered most from all the political and judicial machinations.
Again, Whysall did not know whether the latest accusations were legitimate. Many Zuma devotees were calling them âMbekiâs revenge,â asserting he might have stirred the pot behind the scenes. The only sure thing was that Zuma held a secret trump card this timeâan electronic and paper trail of evidence heâd supposedly uncovered indicating that it was his lifelong friend David Joubert, who had been appointed national police commissioner, that was responsible for the dealings heâd supposedly engaged in with Shaik.
Was his evidence real? Concocted? Had Zuma thrown Joubert to the wolves to spare himself another trial? It was all too much of a tangle for Whysall, and he wouldnât likewise twist his brain into knots trying to figure it out. The simple truth was it wasnât his concern. Blackwater Worldwide was morally neutral, apolitical, and disinterested in anything but the protection of its client.
Bottom line, so was Whysall. For him the situation boiled down to this: Zumaâs people had approached Blackwater just as the Joubert trial was getting under way. It had been discovered that several of the senior figures in the presidentâs security detail were former members of the South African Police Service whose loyalty to Joubert ran deep. After discovering this alarming fact, Zuma had disbanded his detail in favor of an outside security contractor. Given its success protecting Paul Bremer in Iraq, Blackwater Worldwide had topped the list of possible candidates.
It still wasnât known if Joubertâs supporters in the SAPS posed a credible threat, but for Blackwater it represented an inarguably profitable one. The outfitâs senior executives had been more than happy to write up the contract, and on receipt of a substantial deposit they had immediately begun drawing up a security profile for the South African president. Now Zuma had an eight-man team at his disposal, as well as five armored vehicles and a Bell helicopter to provide aerial support. The convoy, Whysall knew, was currently waiting in the parking garage, the entrance to which had been sealed off by the local police, and the helicopter would be called in once the Joubert verdict was read.
What happened from that point forward was anyoneâs guess. For the most part, the huge crowd gathered outside cared nothing about what happened to Joubert. Many were die-hard Mbeki supporters; others disenchanted followers of Zuma. A sizable group of people asserted the whole trial was a distraction, a sham in which Joubert had willingly participated to turn attention away from Zumaâs dishonesty.
For the Blackwater team it added up to a mess. In short order the courtroom doors would open, and they would have a potentially serious problem on their hands.
A familiar voice caught Whysallâs attention now, and he quickly adjusted the secure Motorola receiver/transmitter nestled in his right ear. âThis is Whysall. Go ahead.â
âWhysall, Kealey. Whatâs happening out there?â
Whysall took
It was no surprise when the corruption allegations resurfaced. Zumaâs recurring problems represented new openings for his opposition. If he were again bogged down in legal proceedings, his career as president, one on which many others staked their own careers and reputations, would grind to an abrupt and final haltâ¦and so would the government, at perhaps the worst of times. In the end it would be the South African people who suffered most from all the political and judicial machinations.
Again, Whysall did not know whether the latest accusations were legitimate. Many Zuma devotees were calling them âMbekiâs revenge,â asserting he might have stirred the pot behind the scenes. The only sure thing was that Zuma held a secret trump card this timeâan electronic and paper trail of evidence heâd supposedly uncovered indicating that it was his lifelong friend David Joubert, who had been appointed national police commissioner, that was responsible for the dealings heâd supposedly engaged in with Shaik.
Was his evidence real? Concocted? Had Zuma thrown Joubert to the wolves to spare himself another trial? It was all too much of a tangle for Whysall, and he wouldnât likewise twist his brain into knots trying to figure it out. The simple truth was it wasnât his concern. Blackwater Worldwide was morally neutral, apolitical, and disinterested in anything but the protection of its client.
Bottom line, so was Whysall. For him the situation boiled down to this: Zumaâs people had approached Blackwater just as the Joubert trial was getting under way. It had been discovered that several of the senior figures in the presidentâs security detail were former members of the South African Police Service whose loyalty to Joubert ran deep. After discovering this alarming fact, Zuma had disbanded his detail in favor of an outside security contractor. Given its success protecting Paul Bremer in Iraq, Blackwater Worldwide had topped the list of possible candidates.
It still wasnât known if Joubertâs supporters in the SAPS posed a credible threat, but for Blackwater it represented an inarguably profitable one. The outfitâs senior executives had been more than happy to write up the contract, and on receipt of a substantial deposit they had immediately begun drawing up a security profile for the South African president. Now Zuma had an eight-man team at his disposal, as well as five armored vehicles and a Bell helicopter to provide aerial support. The convoy, Whysall knew, was currently waiting in the parking garage, the entrance to which had been sealed off by the local police, and the helicopter would be called in once the Joubert verdict was read.
What happened from that point forward was anyoneâs guess. For the most part, the huge crowd gathered outside cared nothing about what happened to Joubert. Many were die-hard Mbeki supporters; others disenchanted followers of Zuma. A sizable group of people asserted the whole trial was a distraction, a sham in which Joubert had willingly participated to turn attention away from Zumaâs dishonesty.
For the Blackwater team it added up to a mess. In short order the courtroom doors would open, and they would have a potentially serious problem on their hands.
A familiar voice caught Whysallâs attention now, and he quickly adjusted the secure Motorola receiver/transmitter nestled in his right ear. âThis is Whysall. Go ahead.â
âWhysall, Kealey. Whatâs happening out there?â
Whysall took