Jackson was, after Lee, the only other proven field commander the country had. Yet promoting him meant setting aside all notions of seniority, and officers in general were very touchy about matters of rank and seniority. But it wasn’t as if promotion on the basis of merit was illegal, unprecedented or unwarranted.
Davis turned his chair away from Benjamin, clasped his hands under his chin, and thought it over. His enemies in the Congress would begin agitating for the appointment of either Johnston or Beauregard as soon as Congress reconvened on Monday, December 7. Newspapers critical of his government were already printing such tripe, seasoned richly with invective directed against him personally. The promotion and appointment of Jackson was sure to be so popular with the people, no one in the Congress would dare to oppose it. Especially if he submitted Jackson’s name on Monday, by surprise, before his chorus of critics could choreograph their carping.
In fact, he reasoned, there might be an opportunity to accomplish something more here. “What if I go beyond merely making Jackson head of the Army of Tennessee? What if I reorganize Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama and the bulk of Georgia into a ‘Department of the Center,’ so to speak, and name Jackson to its head? Something like what Washington did for their General Grant, putting all the middle of the country under one man?”
Benjamin saw at once what Davis meant. “You intend to reorganize General Johnston out of his job?”
Davis smiled. A twinkle appeared in Davis’s eyes, even the blind, filmy one. The malice of it almost made Benjamin shift in his chair, despite himself. “I have no intention of removing General Johnston, but he has often complained that his command in the West is impractical for one man. In my opinion, his poor performance vindicates that view, and I therefore propose, Secretary Benjamin, to lighten his burdens.”
“And what if Congress balks at leaving Johnston shorn so?” Benjamin chuckled. “He has many supporters.”
Indeed he does, Davis thought. My critics and Johnston’s supporters seemed to always be the same people. “I’ll make this a question of standing either for or against Jackson. Can you imagine anyone in the Congress daring to vote against the elevation of Stonewall Jackson? And I won’t give them the time to introduce an alternative bill. This is war, and the Army of the Tennessee needs a permanent commander as soon as possible. I’ll horsewhip any opposition with the urgency of the matter.”
Benjamin nodded. He had suspected that Davis had already considered Jackson, but needed a little persuading to work his way through the bureaucratic legalisms the President so often entangled himself in. He had not, however, thought about using Jackson to settle scores with the administration’s enemies, but that worked just as well. Johnston would give up the whole country in retreat were he given a free hand to do so. The sooner he was shelved, the better.
“Then, Mr. President, I suggest we dispatch a confidential messenger to the Army of Northern Virginia at once.”
Davis replied “Yes. Assuming he accepts the promotion, I will reconvene the Cabinet on Sunday, put the matter to them as a formality, and submit Jackson’s name to the Congress on Monday morning.”
December 3
Evening
Lee’s Headquarters, Army of Northern Virginia, CSA
Winter Quarters, Orange County Virginia
Jackson ducked under the tent flap and entered Lee’s headquarters. He was surprised to find there not only Lee, but also Lee’s eldest son, George Washington Custis Lee. A brigadier general at 31, George Lee served as a top military aide to President Davis. So, whatever this was about, Jackson knew it came from Richmond, not army headquarters.
Jackson snapped a salute. “Reporting as ordered, sir.”
“At ease. Thank you for coming, General,” Lee replied. “General Lee has something to tell you. From the President.”
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