Self-Sacrifice

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invasion, he should have cast his eyes across the border to Iran. Repeated intelligence reports from the zone provided evidence of increasing Iranian subversion of Iraq. In fact, in 2004, the capture by the US military of Qods Force members of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, who had infiltrated Iraq, further exposed the widespread, covert activities of the Qods Force in that beleaguered country. US and UK intelligence now had extensive details, provided by the Iranian opposition, of infiltration routes, Iranian proxy contacts and networks of operatives who moved arms, personnel and money from Iran to Iraq. The Qods Force secretly trained, financed and armed an extensive network in Iraq. It had embarked on creating a new terrorist infrastructure, calling it ‘Hezbollah’ to mimic Lebanon’s Hezbollah. This Iraq network operated in Basra and Baghdad, and was in direct contact with the Qods Force and Hezbollah of Lebanon.
    According to these intelligence reports provided by the Iranian opposition, agents of the Iranian regime were routinely transferring money from Iran to Iraq for terrorist operations. After a Qods Force envoy collected the money in Ahwaz in Iran, he was escorted by the Iranian regime’s official security force to the Shalamche border crossing between Iran and Iraq, where he was handed over to Qods Force agents in Iraq. These agents would escort him to Najaf. In addition, the Qods Force used its affiliate currency exchange centres to send money to its front institutions and the new terror network directly from Qom in Iran to Najaf in Iraq. The Qods Force also set up a front organization called ‘HQ for Reconstruction of Iraq’s HolySites’, which had been smuggling arms and ammunition to Iraq disguised as containers intended to rebuild holy Shiite shrines.
    Often these shipments would include sophisticated bombs used for attacking allied patrols. These so-called Improvised Explosive Devices or IEDs were not being manufactured in basements in Iraq, as was widely believed at the time, but in industrial complexes in the Lavizan neighbourhood of northern Tehran. Military sources confirmed that Iranian ordnance factories were producing an advanced form of IED, called Explosively Formed Projectiles (EFPs), which could penetrate thicker armour, were more difficult to detect, and as a result were far more lethal. There is little doubt that Iran had become the primary killer of US and UK forces in Iraq at that time, as the Iraqi insurgency spiralled. Just as President Bush prepared his plan to stabilize Iraq, Tehran continued to foment instability.
    It was Leon Trotsky who said: ‘It is not the people who vote that count, but the people who count the votes.’ That was certainly true in the Iranian presidential elections of June 2009. No one could believe the election results or the figures the regime was claiming for voter turnout. The PMOI had undercover observers at 25,000 of the 40,000 polling stations throughout the country. They reported that turnout was extremely low. Their final estimate put overall turnout at around 15%. In other words, fewer than 8 million Iranians voted. The Mullahs, on the direct instructions of supreme leader Ali Khamenei, in a press release that was inadvertently leaked the day before the elections took place, announced that over 40 million people had cast their votes, with the incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad winning by a landslide! Indeed such was the farcical nature of the Mullahs’ efforts to rig the election, that Ahmadinejad won a huge majority even in the villages and districts of his main opponents.
    This massive electoral fraud ignited a volcanic reaction across Iran. Hundreds of thousands of protestors took to the streets demanding an end to the Mullahs’ theocratic dictatorship. Their courageous resistance against their fundamentalist rulers showed the free world that the regime did not speak for the Iranian population. The Mullahs ordered a brutal crackdown,

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