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Authors: James MacGregor Burns
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Roosevelts to Albany. Her husband was sympathetic toward her difficulties, but he was mainly absorbed in the job that lay ahead. On the threshold of his political career, the state senator-elect looked forward to his new role with high hopes and excitement.
THE COLLEGE KID AND THE TAMMANY BEAST
There is a story, perhaps true, that Big Tim Sullivan, lounging in an Albany hotel with another Tammany boss early in January 1911, watched a tall young man stride across the lobby. To some at this time Roosevelt, with his spare figure and lean face, gold bowed spectacles and frock coat, looked like a student of divinity. Others noted his well-modeled features, lithe figure, and slightly curling hair—enough to “set the matinee girl’s heart throbbing with subtle and happy emotion,” one reporter said. But to Big Tim that day he looked like a cocky, bumptious “college kid,” still wet behind the ears.
First published sketch of Roosevelt, Jan. 19, 1911, J. Norman Lynd, New York Herald, © New York Sun, Inc.
So that was Roosevelt? “You know these Roosevelts,” Big Tim growled. “This fellow is still young. Wouldn’t it be safer to drown him before he grows up?”
Within a few weeks Big Tim must have wished that he had followed his own advice. The young politician who had assailed boss-ism in his campaign was to seize a superb opportunity to lead a pitched fight against Tammany before he hardly had time to warm his senatorial chair.
At this time United States senators from New York were chosen not directly by the voters but by the state assembly and senate meeting in joint session. The Democrats had won control of both houses in the 1910 election; if they stuck together they could name the next senator. When Roosevelt first arrived in Albany the field seemed open and a number of candidates were lining up support in the legislature. Suddenly the whole situation changed. Charles F. Murphy, boss of Tammany, passed the word down that the Democrats’ man would be William F. Sheehan. “Blue-eyed Billy,” as he was called, did not represent the worst of Tammany, but not the best either. Originally a Buffalo politician, he had savagely fought the rising Grover Cleveland. Later he had won riches and influence in New York City as a traction and utilities magnate. Now he yearned for a place in the Senate—the “most exclusive club in the world”—to bring his career to a grand finale.
Everything about the case—Sheehan’s early opposition to Cleveland, his later record, Boss Murphy’s easy assumption that the Democrats would fall in line, Tammany’s influence in general—was calculated to goad the young senator into action. Besides, an excellent “honest government” candidate was available in Edward M. Shepard of Brooklyn, counsel for the Pennsylvania Railroad and a civic leader. “Shepard is without question the most competent to fill the position,” Roosevelt wrote in his diary on January 1, “but the Tammany crowd seems unable to forgive him his occasional independence and Sheehan looks like their choice at this stage of the game. May the result prove that I am wrong! There is no question in my mind that the Democratic party is on trial, and having been given control of the government chiefly through up-State votes, cannot afford to surrender its control to the organization in New York City.”
Tammany showed its power at the first Democratic caucus that Roosevelt attended. Senator Tom Grady, leader of the Democrats in the senate, was occasionally given to independence and to alcohol. In the caucus Murphy easily deposed him. Roosevelt was pleased with the development. Grady’s ability was unquestioned, he noted loftily in his diary, but “not so his habits or his character.” Indeed, if Tammany had not ditched Grady, Roosevelt might have bolted the party then and there. Robert F. Wagner, a steady young senator from Manhattan’s upper East Side, took Grady’s place. Alfred E. Smith, another young
THE COLLEGE KID AND THE TAMMANY BEAST
There is a story, perhaps true, that Big Tim Sullivan, lounging in an Albany hotel with another Tammany boss early in January 1911, watched a tall young man stride across the lobby. To some at this time Roosevelt, with his spare figure and lean face, gold bowed spectacles and frock coat, looked like a student of divinity. Others noted his well-modeled features, lithe figure, and slightly curling hair—enough to “set the matinee girl’s heart throbbing with subtle and happy emotion,” one reporter said. But to Big Tim that day he looked like a cocky, bumptious “college kid,” still wet behind the ears.
First published sketch of Roosevelt, Jan. 19, 1911, J. Norman Lynd, New York Herald, © New York Sun, Inc.
So that was Roosevelt? “You know these Roosevelts,” Big Tim growled. “This fellow is still young. Wouldn’t it be safer to drown him before he grows up?”
Within a few weeks Big Tim must have wished that he had followed his own advice. The young politician who had assailed boss-ism in his campaign was to seize a superb opportunity to lead a pitched fight against Tammany before he hardly had time to warm his senatorial chair.
At this time United States senators from New York were chosen not directly by the voters but by the state assembly and senate meeting in joint session. The Democrats had won control of both houses in the 1910 election; if they stuck together they could name the next senator. When Roosevelt first arrived in Albany the field seemed open and a number of candidates were lining up support in the legislature. Suddenly the whole situation changed. Charles F. Murphy, boss of Tammany, passed the word down that the Democrats’ man would be William F. Sheehan. “Blue-eyed Billy,” as he was called, did not represent the worst of Tammany, but not the best either. Originally a Buffalo politician, he had savagely fought the rising Grover Cleveland. Later he had won riches and influence in New York City as a traction and utilities magnate. Now he yearned for a place in the Senate—the “most exclusive club in the world”—to bring his career to a grand finale.
Everything about the case—Sheehan’s early opposition to Cleveland, his later record, Boss Murphy’s easy assumption that the Democrats would fall in line, Tammany’s influence in general—was calculated to goad the young senator into action. Besides, an excellent “honest government” candidate was available in Edward M. Shepard of Brooklyn, counsel for the Pennsylvania Railroad and a civic leader. “Shepard is without question the most competent to fill the position,” Roosevelt wrote in his diary on January 1, “but the Tammany crowd seems unable to forgive him his occasional independence and Sheehan looks like their choice at this stage of the game. May the result prove that I am wrong! There is no question in my mind that the Democratic party is on trial, and having been given control of the government chiefly through up-State votes, cannot afford to surrender its control to the organization in New York City.”
Tammany showed its power at the first Democratic caucus that Roosevelt attended. Senator Tom Grady, leader of the Democrats in the senate, was occasionally given to independence and to alcohol. In the caucus Murphy easily deposed him. Roosevelt was pleased with the development. Grady’s ability was unquestioned, he noted loftily in his diary, but “not so his habits or his character.” Indeed, if Tammany had not ditched Grady, Roosevelt might have bolted the party then and there. Robert F. Wagner, a steady young senator from Manhattan’s upper East Side, took Grady’s place. Alfred E. Smith, another young
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