Read Online Moscow, December 25th, 1991 by Conor O'Clery - Free Book Online Page B
Authors: Conor O'Clery
Tags: #genre
Ads: Link
shortly afterwards cut short lavish words of praise from Eduard Shevardnadze, whom he had appointed foreign minister, earning a round of amused applause. Party hacks nevertheless queued at the microphone to herald the new leader’s wisdom.
When Boris Yeltsin reached the podium, everyone expected another paean of praise for perestroika. However, like the schoolboy taking on the teacher, he criticized one of the “zones beyond criticism”—the secret privileges enjoyed by party members. His few months in Moscow had made him aware of the level of public resentment over this system of lavish perks. “Let a leader go to an ordinary store and stand in line there, like everyone else,” he boomed. “Then perhaps the queues, of which everyone is sick and tired, will disappear sooner.”
There was consternation. This was a particularly sensitive subject. Many of the delegates had secured their high positions in the party specifically to improve the quality of their lives by not having to go to ordinary stores and queue with everyone else.
Special privileges for Communist Party members had long been a fixed part of Soviet society. The party compensated its leaders generously for their “services to the people,” according to a rigid system called the Table of Ranks that mimicked a formal list of positions and ranks in tsarist Russia.
At the top, the members of the Politburo and the top party secretariat, some twenty-five in number, were free to use a special squadron of Ilyushin-62 long-range jetliners and Tupolev-134 twin-engine airliners to fly anywhere they wanted. Each was allocated four personal bodyguards, a large Zil limousine equipped with a radio telephone, and a state-owned country house with cooks, waitresses, and gardeners, as well as free time-shares in luxurious state holiday dachas at Black Sea resorts. Volga sedans were provided for members’ wives, with drivers on twenty-four-hour call and Kremlin number plates that made militiamen snap to attention. 2
Everything was paid for by the KGB’s Ninth Directorate, a 40,000-strong uniformed bodyguard for party leaders and their families, which also operated a separate government-party telephone system. A spouse could order a bodyguard to get presents, pick up a tailor for a fitting, or do the shopping. Other grades of party members received packages of choice foodstuffs delivered from “special” shops closed to outsiders. Thousands of middle- and lower-ranking apparatchiks had access to different levels of supplies from private stores and to treatment in special medical clinics.
The system ensured loyalty. The fact that everything belonged to the state and could be withdrawn at a moment’s notice was a disincentive for a cadre to express dissent.
Yeltsin himself gained from the fountain of party benefits. When he became a candidate member of the Politburo, he was assigned a magnificent state dacha, Moskva-reka-5, situated by the river in the village of Usovo, northwest of the capital. It had just been vacated by Gorbachev, who had moved to an even more sumptuous country mansion built to his specifications. When Yeltsin went to inspect his new home, he was met by the commander of the bodyguard, who introduced him to a bevy of cooks, maids, security guards, and gardeners. The former provincial party chief was overwhelmed by the palatial rooms with marble paneling, parquet floors, crystal lighting, an enormous glass-roofed veranda, a home cinema, a billiards room, and a “kitchen big enough to feed an army.” The commander, beaming with delight, asked Yeltsin what he thought of it. The Moscow party chief would say later that he mumbled something inarticulate, while his wife and daughters, Tanya, age twenty-five, and Yelena, age twentyeight, were too overcome and depressed to reply. “Chiefly we were shattered by the senselessness of it all.” Nevertheless, he moved in right away, even before the nails were removed from the walls where Gorbachev’s
When Boris Yeltsin reached the podium, everyone expected another paean of praise for perestroika. However, like the schoolboy taking on the teacher, he criticized one of the “zones beyond criticism”—the secret privileges enjoyed by party members. His few months in Moscow had made him aware of the level of public resentment over this system of lavish perks. “Let a leader go to an ordinary store and stand in line there, like everyone else,” he boomed. “Then perhaps the queues, of which everyone is sick and tired, will disappear sooner.”
There was consternation. This was a particularly sensitive subject. Many of the delegates had secured their high positions in the party specifically to improve the quality of their lives by not having to go to ordinary stores and queue with everyone else.
Special privileges for Communist Party members had long been a fixed part of Soviet society. The party compensated its leaders generously for their “services to the people,” according to a rigid system called the Table of Ranks that mimicked a formal list of positions and ranks in tsarist Russia.
At the top, the members of the Politburo and the top party secretariat, some twenty-five in number, were free to use a special squadron of Ilyushin-62 long-range jetliners and Tupolev-134 twin-engine airliners to fly anywhere they wanted. Each was allocated four personal bodyguards, a large Zil limousine equipped with a radio telephone, and a state-owned country house with cooks, waitresses, and gardeners, as well as free time-shares in luxurious state holiday dachas at Black Sea resorts. Volga sedans were provided for members’ wives, with drivers on twenty-four-hour call and Kremlin number plates that made militiamen snap to attention. 2
Everything was paid for by the KGB’s Ninth Directorate, a 40,000-strong uniformed bodyguard for party leaders and their families, which also operated a separate government-party telephone system. A spouse could order a bodyguard to get presents, pick up a tailor for a fitting, or do the shopping. Other grades of party members received packages of choice foodstuffs delivered from “special” shops closed to outsiders. Thousands of middle- and lower-ranking apparatchiks had access to different levels of supplies from private stores and to treatment in special medical clinics.
The system ensured loyalty. The fact that everything belonged to the state and could be withdrawn at a moment’s notice was a disincentive for a cadre to express dissent.
Yeltsin himself gained from the fountain of party benefits. When he became a candidate member of the Politburo, he was assigned a magnificent state dacha, Moskva-reka-5, situated by the river in the village of Usovo, northwest of the capital. It had just been vacated by Gorbachev, who had moved to an even more sumptuous country mansion built to his specifications. When Yeltsin went to inspect his new home, he was met by the commander of the bodyguard, who introduced him to a bevy of cooks, maids, security guards, and gardeners. The former provincial party chief was overwhelmed by the palatial rooms with marble paneling, parquet floors, crystal lighting, an enormous glass-roofed veranda, a home cinema, a billiards room, and a “kitchen big enough to feed an army.” The commander, beaming with delight, asked Yeltsin what he thought of it. The Moscow party chief would say later that he mumbled something inarticulate, while his wife and daughters, Tanya, age twenty-five, and Yelena, age twentyeight, were too overcome and depressed to reply. “Chiefly we were shattered by the senselessness of it all.” Nevertheless, he moved in right away, even before the nails were removed from the walls where Gorbachev’s
Similar Books
