Read Online Mark of Evil by Tim Lahaye, Craig Parshall - Free Book Online
Authors: Tim Lahaye, Craig Parshall
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of government all ultimately subservient to a unified world governmental body with ten internationalregions and with veto power over every significant decision by the United States government.”
“Curt, I know your legal position on this,” President Hewbright responded. “And you know that I share your viewpoint. This Global Alliance initiative is tantamount to an amendment to the U.S. Constitution.”
“Exactly, Mr. President,” Levin shot back. “Which can only be accomplished under Article V of our Constitution in two ways. Either two-thirds of the states call for a constitutional convention—and that’s never happened in American history since the adoption of our federal constitution. Or two-thirds of the Senate and two-thirds of the House approve the proposed amendment and send it to the states for ratification by three-fourths of the states. Sure, the Senate achieved one minor part of that process, but barely, by just one vote, to reach the two-thirds threshold. But the House has been stalled on a procedural vote for approval of the Global Alliance idea as a constitutional amendment. So this so-called ‘treaty’ has only passed first base so far. No further.”
“Mr. President, we’re ignoring the political reality here,” George Caulfield added. His voice was strained, and it carried a tone of urgency. “For good or for bad, the Senate did what they did because our nation is on the brink of financial implosion. And maybe even over the brink. Americans are panicked. We could be entering the most explosive, uncharted epoch in world history. The Senate is betting on the fact that we can gain some security in being part of a single, global governance system—to stabilize the world’s chaotic economies, to create a band of mutual protection, and for some kind of international harmony—”
“And destroying our borders in the process!” Secretary of Defense Roland Allenworth’s voice erupted at a full shout. “And eradicating nearly two hundred and forty years of constitutional sovereignty of this nation.”
“Rollie,” President Hewbright intoned calmly. “You know I share every one of your sentiments. The point here is to figure out if—and, more important, when and how—I order our military to start pushing back against these incursions.”
“The Global Alliance is taking the following position,” Secretary Tyler explained. “First, that America, through the Senate vote of ratification, has effectively joined the Alliance. Second, that the United States has therefore become part of Region One, along with Canada and Mexico, both of which have already agreed to become part of the new global governance scheme. Third, as a result of that we no longer have any national borders. That means that we have no legal standing to oppose the incursion of Alliance troops crossing our borders. So, Mr. President . . .” Tyler exhibited a momentary embarrassment. “That makes you, if you pardon my saying so, a rebel against your own country, according to the Alliance, and an enemy of the world order.”
Hewbright turned to Curt Levin. “Still no hope from the Supreme Court?”
“The justices won’t take up our legal challenge to the Senate vote. The rumor is they’re afraid a vote by such a small portion of the full court now will just create more lack of confidence among the American people. We all know that the membership of the Supreme Court is still a few justices short ever since, well, you know . . .” And he paused to grapple for the right words. “You know what I mean.”
“The Disappearance?” Hewbright interjected. “That’s what everyone is calling it. I call it something else, of course.”
There was an uncomfortable silence in the Oval Office. George Caulfield, Hewbright’s former national campaign manager and now one of the president’s closest advisors, spoke up. Caulfield pursed his lips, visibly struggling for a way to say what had to be said next. “Mr. President. We
“Curt, I know your legal position on this,” President Hewbright responded. “And you know that I share your viewpoint. This Global Alliance initiative is tantamount to an amendment to the U.S. Constitution.”
“Exactly, Mr. President,” Levin shot back. “Which can only be accomplished under Article V of our Constitution in two ways. Either two-thirds of the states call for a constitutional convention—and that’s never happened in American history since the adoption of our federal constitution. Or two-thirds of the Senate and two-thirds of the House approve the proposed amendment and send it to the states for ratification by three-fourths of the states. Sure, the Senate achieved one minor part of that process, but barely, by just one vote, to reach the two-thirds threshold. But the House has been stalled on a procedural vote for approval of the Global Alliance idea as a constitutional amendment. So this so-called ‘treaty’ has only passed first base so far. No further.”
“Mr. President, we’re ignoring the political reality here,” George Caulfield added. His voice was strained, and it carried a tone of urgency. “For good or for bad, the Senate did what they did because our nation is on the brink of financial implosion. And maybe even over the brink. Americans are panicked. We could be entering the most explosive, uncharted epoch in world history. The Senate is betting on the fact that we can gain some security in being part of a single, global governance system—to stabilize the world’s chaotic economies, to create a band of mutual protection, and for some kind of international harmony—”
“And destroying our borders in the process!” Secretary of Defense Roland Allenworth’s voice erupted at a full shout. “And eradicating nearly two hundred and forty years of constitutional sovereignty of this nation.”
“Rollie,” President Hewbright intoned calmly. “You know I share every one of your sentiments. The point here is to figure out if—and, more important, when and how—I order our military to start pushing back against these incursions.”
“The Global Alliance is taking the following position,” Secretary Tyler explained. “First, that America, through the Senate vote of ratification, has effectively joined the Alliance. Second, that the United States has therefore become part of Region One, along with Canada and Mexico, both of which have already agreed to become part of the new global governance scheme. Third, as a result of that we no longer have any national borders. That means that we have no legal standing to oppose the incursion of Alliance troops crossing our borders. So, Mr. President . . .” Tyler exhibited a momentary embarrassment. “That makes you, if you pardon my saying so, a rebel against your own country, according to the Alliance, and an enemy of the world order.”
Hewbright turned to Curt Levin. “Still no hope from the Supreme Court?”
“The justices won’t take up our legal challenge to the Senate vote. The rumor is they’re afraid a vote by such a small portion of the full court now will just create more lack of confidence among the American people. We all know that the membership of the Supreme Court is still a few justices short ever since, well, you know . . .” And he paused to grapple for the right words. “You know what I mean.”
“The Disappearance?” Hewbright interjected. “That’s what everyone is calling it. I call it something else, of course.”
There was an uncomfortable silence in the Oval Office. George Caulfield, Hewbright’s former national campaign manager and now one of the president’s closest advisors, spoke up. Caulfield pursed his lips, visibly struggling for a way to say what had to be said next. “Mr. President. We
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