perceived Caesar’s real purpose—the attempt to weaken senatorial powers—and the assembly broke up. Caesar, acting through Labienus, tried yet again to have Rabirius brought to trial, although this time with the penalty reduced from death to a large fine. Once more Cicero moved to his defense and Caesar was thwarted. He had however clearly declared war on the old days of massive senatorial power. No one could doubt that the intention of the popular party was to see the authority of the senate significantly reduced.
The strange figure of Lucius Sergius Catilina—Catiline—now threatened to take over the forefront of the Roman stage. This debt-ridden aristocrat, who had already been defeated in the consular elections, once more put himself forward for the office. He had a considerable following among the many who had been ruined in the tumultuous wars of previous years, great charm and no scruples (the latter not so unusual in the Rome of the period). His social program drew many to him since he envisaged a cancellation of debts—something which would have been attractive to Caesar though not to Crassus, although there seems little doubt that he was in touch with both of them. Nothing, however, so serves to bring together in unity the moneyed and propertied classes as a program of social revolution such as was being outlined by Catiline and his followers, and both the principal orders of society, the senators and the knights, now closed ranks. Cicero, as consul and as leading spokesman for law and order, often proudly referred to this amalgamation of interests as the “Concord of the Orders.” Certainly Catiline soon realized that his quest for the consulship would make no headway against so powerful a block and he decided on revolutionary means.
In July 63 there took place the election for the offices of state for the following year. Caesar, pursuing the normal course on the rungs of power, was elected a praetor. This was the post of a magistrate performing some of the duties of a consul, and second only to the consulship itself in the offices of state. It carried the advantage that a provincial governorship usually followed the year of office, and it was in the great provinces that reputations could be made and fortunes acquired. At the same time Catiline was defeated in his election for the consulship. There can be little doubt that up until now both Crassus and Caesar had been in support of Catiline: he was their type of man. But a Catiline defeated in his second attempt could have no interest to them and, in any case, once his determination to seize power illegally was known, he became a liability. Crassus had his wealth to safe-guard him against most things, but Caesar had little more than the positions he had won for himself and, as High Priest and praetor, he was now well established on the formal route to the top. It seems most likely that at this point both men withdrew their support from the man who was already recruiting an army of revolution.
A conspiracy on this scale could hardly escape detection, especially in a city that swarmed with spies and informers, and Cicero as consul was naturally soon made aware of it. At the same time Caesar and Crassus, eager to exculpate themselves from any association with Catiline, hastened to tell the consul all they knew. It was not a worthy action, and Cicero himself can hardly have been in any doubt that these two men, whom he had long mistrusted, were potentially as ill-disposed toward the republic as any of the conspirators. Cicero had already taken the precaution of calling up a large number of trusted armed followers, thus issuing an open warning to any who intended to use violence against the state. But Catiline by now was too far advanced on the path of revolution to turn back. The grand design was for the revolution to start in Etruria, where an army was being mustered, and to be heralded by outbreaks of arson in Rome—designed to confuse the ordinary
The strange figure of Lucius Sergius Catilina—Catiline—now threatened to take over the forefront of the Roman stage. This debt-ridden aristocrat, who had already been defeated in the consular elections, once more put himself forward for the office. He had a considerable following among the many who had been ruined in the tumultuous wars of previous years, great charm and no scruples (the latter not so unusual in the Rome of the period). His social program drew many to him since he envisaged a cancellation of debts—something which would have been attractive to Caesar though not to Crassus, although there seems little doubt that he was in touch with both of them. Nothing, however, so serves to bring together in unity the moneyed and propertied classes as a program of social revolution such as was being outlined by Catiline and his followers, and both the principal orders of society, the senators and the knights, now closed ranks. Cicero, as consul and as leading spokesman for law and order, often proudly referred to this amalgamation of interests as the “Concord of the Orders.” Certainly Catiline soon realized that his quest for the consulship would make no headway against so powerful a block and he decided on revolutionary means.
In July 63 there took place the election for the offices of state for the following year. Caesar, pursuing the normal course on the rungs of power, was elected a praetor. This was the post of a magistrate performing some of the duties of a consul, and second only to the consulship itself in the offices of state. It carried the advantage that a provincial governorship usually followed the year of office, and it was in the great provinces that reputations could be made and fortunes acquired. At the same time Catiline was defeated in his election for the consulship. There can be little doubt that up until now both Crassus and Caesar had been in support of Catiline: he was their type of man. But a Catiline defeated in his second attempt could have no interest to them and, in any case, once his determination to seize power illegally was known, he became a liability. Crassus had his wealth to safe-guard him against most things, but Caesar had little more than the positions he had won for himself and, as High Priest and praetor, he was now well established on the formal route to the top. It seems most likely that at this point both men withdrew their support from the man who was already recruiting an army of revolution.
A conspiracy on this scale could hardly escape detection, especially in a city that swarmed with spies and informers, and Cicero as consul was naturally soon made aware of it. At the same time Caesar and Crassus, eager to exculpate themselves from any association with Catiline, hastened to tell the consul all they knew. It was not a worthy action, and Cicero himself can hardly have been in any doubt that these two men, whom he had long mistrusted, were potentially as ill-disposed toward the republic as any of the conspirators. Cicero had already taken the precaution of calling up a large number of trusted armed followers, thus issuing an open warning to any who intended to use violence against the state. But Catiline by now was too far advanced on the path of revolution to turn back. The grand design was for the revolution to start in Etruria, where an army was being mustered, and to be heralded by outbreaks of arson in Rome—designed to confuse the ordinary
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