Read Online France Restored: Cold War Diplomacy and the Quest for Leadership in Europe, 1944-1954 by William I. Hitchcock - Free Book Online Page A
Authors: William I. Hitchcock
Tags: History, Western, France, 20th Century, Europe, Political Science, Modern, test, Security (National & International)
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international position, he wrote, was gravely threatened. The grandeur
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that de Gaulle invoked would be impossible to achieve without a massive modernization of the French economy. This could only be achieved through swift and effective action by the executive organs of the state, for the ministries had shown themselves to be utterly inept. "At a time when we need initiatives," Monnet wrote, "they are blocked by a monstrous bureaucracy which no longer knows the object for which it was created, and which if not completely reformed will bury the French people under a mass of paper and incompetence." Monnet's solution, one that characterized all his subsequent efforts, was to circumvent this ministerial tangle and "to give all necessary powers to one person, surrounded by a small group of energetic men from outside the administration, who will have the responsibility" to initiate the needed reforms. 49 Ostensibly, politics was left behind in this scheme, though Monnet knew that, on political grounds, it could not fail to appeal to de Gaulle, who for over a year had been decrying the obstinance and inefficiency of the political parties in the Assembly.
He was also advancing a view that was no doubt drawn from his experiences during the war. Power and influence accrued to those nations with the greatest productive resources and the ability to develop them. Status as a traditional great power would matter very little in the postwar world. Thus, he wrote, "the influence of France in the world will depend on the degree to which we are able to raise our production and our national economic activity" to the level of other leading nations. "It is only on this condition that the actions of France will be effective in the world." Furthermore, in Monnet's analysis, a strong economy ensured not only international influence but also domestic stability through higher wages and standards of living. Only a coherent plan that took into account the linkages among these diverse factors would provide France the direction it needed during the recovery period. 50
Monnet's arguments in favor of modernization were reinforced by pressure from the United States with regard to trade liberalization. Throughout the summer and fall of 1945, American officials had been making known to the French their opposition to trade barriers and import controls and indeed were fairly explicit that trade liberalization would be expected in return for loans. French protectionism, American officials knew, had a long history, but since the Atlantic Charter of 1941, Free French spokesmen had generally subscribed to the principle of free and expansive trade relations. Yet without protection, the French economy would have to work that much harder to compete internationally a strong argument in favor of the economic and industrial strategy that
Page 33
Monnet was urging. Moreover, a public commitment to multilateral trade had been made in an official exchange of notes in November 1945 between the two governments, which led to an Export-Import Bank loan to France of $ 550 million in December. France was now bound by the letter of these agreements to effect a liberalization of its economy. An overall modernization and production plan now seemed the sine qua non of French survival. 51
Monnet reiterated these themes in his formal proposal to de Gaulle of December 4, 1945, for the creation of a Plan de Modernisation et d'Equipement (PME) that would not only focus on reconstruction of war-damaged areas but outline a total overhaul of the nation's productive forces. This meant more than issuing directives. The plan Monnet envisaged was to be above all a public undertaking, one involving all sectors of society, from labor groups to managers, employers, and technical experts. Only in this way could special interests and pressure groups that had traditionally looked to the state for protection be denied influence over the nation's economic activity. Instead,
Page 32
that de Gaulle invoked would be impossible to achieve without a massive modernization of the French economy. This could only be achieved through swift and effective action by the executive organs of the state, for the ministries had shown themselves to be utterly inept. "At a time when we need initiatives," Monnet wrote, "they are blocked by a monstrous bureaucracy which no longer knows the object for which it was created, and which if not completely reformed will bury the French people under a mass of paper and incompetence." Monnet's solution, one that characterized all his subsequent efforts, was to circumvent this ministerial tangle and "to give all necessary powers to one person, surrounded by a small group of energetic men from outside the administration, who will have the responsibility" to initiate the needed reforms. 49 Ostensibly, politics was left behind in this scheme, though Monnet knew that, on political grounds, it could not fail to appeal to de Gaulle, who for over a year had been decrying the obstinance and inefficiency of the political parties in the Assembly.
He was also advancing a view that was no doubt drawn from his experiences during the war. Power and influence accrued to those nations with the greatest productive resources and the ability to develop them. Status as a traditional great power would matter very little in the postwar world. Thus, he wrote, "the influence of France in the world will depend on the degree to which we are able to raise our production and our national economic activity" to the level of other leading nations. "It is only on this condition that the actions of France will be effective in the world." Furthermore, in Monnet's analysis, a strong economy ensured not only international influence but also domestic stability through higher wages and standards of living. Only a coherent plan that took into account the linkages among these diverse factors would provide France the direction it needed during the recovery period. 50
Monnet's arguments in favor of modernization were reinforced by pressure from the United States with regard to trade liberalization. Throughout the summer and fall of 1945, American officials had been making known to the French their opposition to trade barriers and import controls and indeed were fairly explicit that trade liberalization would be expected in return for loans. French protectionism, American officials knew, had a long history, but since the Atlantic Charter of 1941, Free French spokesmen had generally subscribed to the principle of free and expansive trade relations. Yet without protection, the French economy would have to work that much harder to compete internationally a strong argument in favor of the economic and industrial strategy that
Page 33
Monnet was urging. Moreover, a public commitment to multilateral trade had been made in an official exchange of notes in November 1945 between the two governments, which led to an Export-Import Bank loan to France of $ 550 million in December. France was now bound by the letter of these agreements to effect a liberalization of its economy. An overall modernization and production plan now seemed the sine qua non of French survival. 51
Monnet reiterated these themes in his formal proposal to de Gaulle of December 4, 1945, for the creation of a Plan de Modernisation et d'Equipement (PME) that would not only focus on reconstruction of war-damaged areas but outline a total overhaul of the nation's productive forces. This meant more than issuing directives. The plan Monnet envisaged was to be above all a public undertaking, one involving all sectors of society, from labor groups to managers, employers, and technical experts. Only in this way could special interests and pressure groups that had traditionally looked to the state for protection be denied influence over the nation's economic activity. Instead,
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