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Authors: Antonio Negri, Professor Michael Hardt
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the entire biopolitical field, then we
must consider communication and the biopolitical context coexis-
tent. This takes us well beyond the old terrain as Ju¨rgen Habermas
described it, for example. In fact, when Habermas developed the
concept ofcommunicative action, demonstrating so powerfully its
productive form and the ontological consequences deriving from
34
T H E P O L I T I C A L C O N S T I T U T I O N O F T H E P R E S E N T
that, he still relied on a standpoint outside these effects of globaliza-
tion, a standpoint of life and truth that could oppose the informa-
tional colonization ofbeing.26 The imperial machine, however,
demonstrates that this external standpoint no longer exists. On
the contrary, communicative production and the construction of
imperial legitimation march hand in hand and can no longer be
separated. The machine is self-validating, autopoietic—that is, sys-
temic. It constructs social fabrics that evacuate or render ineffective
any contradiction; it creates situations in which, before coercively
neutralizing difference, seem to absorb it in an insignificant play of
self-generating and self-regulating equilibria. As we have argued
elsewhere, any juridical theory that addresses the conditions of
postmodernity has to take into account this specifically communica-
tive definition ofsocial production.27 The imperial machine lives
by producing a context ofequilibria and/or reducing complexities,
pretending to put forward a project of universal citizenship and
toward this end intensifying the effectiveness of its intervention
over every element ofthe communicative relationship, all the while
dissolving identity and history in a completely postmodernist fash-
ion.28 Contrary to the way many postmodernist accounts would
have it, however, the imperial machine, far from eliminating master
narratives, actually produces and reproduces them (ideological mas-
ter narratives in particular) in order to validate and celebrate its
own power.29 In this coincidence ofproduction through language,
the linguistic production ofreality, and the language ofself
-
validation resides a fundamental key to understanding the effective-
ness, validity, and legitimation ofimperial right.
Intervention
This new framework of legitimacy includes new forms and new
articulations of the exercise of legitimate force. During its formation, the new power must demonstrate the effectiveness of its force at
the same time that the bases ofits legitimation are being constructed.
In fact, the legitimacy of the new power is in part based directly
on the effectiveness of its use of force.
B I O P O L I T I C A L P R O D U C T I O N
35
The way the effectiveness of the new power is demonstrated
has nothing to do with the old international order that is slowly
dying away; nor has it much use for the instruments the old order
left behind. The deployments of the imperial machine are defined
by a whole series ofnew characteristics, such as the unbounded
terrain ofits activities, the singularization and symbolic localization
ofits actions, and the connection ofrepressive action to all the
aspects ofthe biopolitical structure ofsociety. For lack ofa better
term we continue to call these ‘‘interventions.’’ This is merely a
terminological and not a conceptual deficiency, for these are not
really interventions into independent juridical territories but rather
actions within a unified world by the ruling structure ofproduction
and communication. In effect, intervention has been internalized
and universalized. In the previous section we referred to both the
structural means ofintervention that involve the deployments of
monetary mechanisms and financial maneuvers over the transna-
tional field ofinterdependent productive regimes and interventions
in the field of communication and their effects on the legitimation
ofthe system. Here we want to investigate the new f
orms of
intervention
must consider communication and the biopolitical context coexis-
tent. This takes us well beyond the old terrain as Ju¨rgen Habermas
described it, for example. In fact, when Habermas developed the
concept ofcommunicative action, demonstrating so powerfully its
productive form and the ontological consequences deriving from
34
T H E P O L I T I C A L C O N S T I T U T I O N O F T H E P R E S E N T
that, he still relied on a standpoint outside these effects of globaliza-
tion, a standpoint of life and truth that could oppose the informa-
tional colonization ofbeing.26 The imperial machine, however,
demonstrates that this external standpoint no longer exists. On
the contrary, communicative production and the construction of
imperial legitimation march hand in hand and can no longer be
separated. The machine is self-validating, autopoietic—that is, sys-
temic. It constructs social fabrics that evacuate or render ineffective
any contradiction; it creates situations in which, before coercively
neutralizing difference, seem to absorb it in an insignificant play of
self-generating and self-regulating equilibria. As we have argued
elsewhere, any juridical theory that addresses the conditions of
postmodernity has to take into account this specifically communica-
tive definition ofsocial production.27 The imperial machine lives
by producing a context ofequilibria and/or reducing complexities,
pretending to put forward a project of universal citizenship and
toward this end intensifying the effectiveness of its intervention
over every element ofthe communicative relationship, all the while
dissolving identity and history in a completely postmodernist fash-
ion.28 Contrary to the way many postmodernist accounts would
have it, however, the imperial machine, far from eliminating master
narratives, actually produces and reproduces them (ideological mas-
ter narratives in particular) in order to validate and celebrate its
own power.29 In this coincidence ofproduction through language,
the linguistic production ofreality, and the language ofself
-
validation resides a fundamental key to understanding the effective-
ness, validity, and legitimation ofimperial right.
Intervention
This new framework of legitimacy includes new forms and new
articulations of the exercise of legitimate force. During its formation, the new power must demonstrate the effectiveness of its force at
the same time that the bases ofits legitimation are being constructed.
In fact, the legitimacy of the new power is in part based directly
on the effectiveness of its use of force.
B I O P O L I T I C A L P R O D U C T I O N
35
The way the effectiveness of the new power is demonstrated
has nothing to do with the old international order that is slowly
dying away; nor has it much use for the instruments the old order
left behind. The deployments of the imperial machine are defined
by a whole series ofnew characteristics, such as the unbounded
terrain ofits activities, the singularization and symbolic localization
ofits actions, and the connection ofrepressive action to all the
aspects ofthe biopolitical structure ofsociety. For lack ofa better
term we continue to call these ‘‘interventions.’’ This is merely a
terminological and not a conceptual deficiency, for these are not
really interventions into independent juridical territories but rather
actions within a unified world by the ruling structure ofproduction
and communication. In effect, intervention has been internalized
and universalized. In the previous section we referred to both the
structural means ofintervention that involve the deployments of
monetary mechanisms and financial maneuvers over the transna-
tional field ofinterdependent productive regimes and interventions
in the field of communication and their effects on the legitimation
ofthe system. Here we want to investigate the new f
orms of
intervention
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