conserved—but that doesn't mean there is chaos. Instead, there's actually a deeper unity, for there's a link between what happens in the energy domain and what happens in the seemingly distinct mass domain. The amount of mass that's gained is always going to be balanced by an equivalent amount of energy that's lost.
Lavoisier and Faraday had seen only part of the truth. Energy does not stand alone, and neither does mass. But the sum of mass plus energy will always remain constant.
This, finally, is the ultimate extension of the separate conservation laws the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century scientists had once thought complete. The reason this effect had remained hidden, unsuspected, all the time before Einstein, is that the speed of light is so much higher than the ordinary motions we're used to. The effect is weak at walking speed, or even at the speed of locomotives or jets, but it's still there. And as we'll see, the linkage is omnipresent in our ordinary world: all the energy is held quiveringly ready inside even the most ordinary substances.
Linking energy and mass via the speed of light was a tremendous insight, but there's still one more detail to get clear. A famous cartoon shows Einstein at a board, trying out one possibility after another: E=mc 1 , E=mc 2 , E=mc 3 ,. . . But he didn't really do it that way, arriving at the squaring of "c" by mere chance.
So why did the conversion factor turn out to be c 2 ?
2 6
Enlarging a number by "squaring" it is an ancient procedure. A garden that has four paving slabs on one edge, and four on the other, doesn't have eight stones in it. It has 16.
The convenient shorthand that summarizes this action of building up a "square"—of multiplying a number by itself—went through almost the same range of permutations as did the Western typography for the equals sign. But why should it appear in physics equations? The story of how an equation with a "squared" in it came to be plucked from all other possibilities for representing the energy of a moving object takes us back to France once more—to the early 1700s—and the generation halfway between Roemer and Lavoisier.
In February 1726, the thirty-one-year-old playwright Francois-Marie Arouet was convinced he'd successfully gate-crashed the establishment in France. He'd risen from the provinces to receive grants from the king, acceptance at the homes of noblemen, and one evening was even being dined at the gated home of the Due de Sully. A servant interrupted the meal: there was a gentleman outside to see Arouet.
He went out and probably had a moment to recognize the carriage of the Chevalier de Rohan, an unpleasant, yet staggeringly rich man whom he'd mocked in public when they'd recently attended a play at the Comedie Francaise. Then de Rohan's bodyguards got to work, beating Arouet while de Rohan watched, delighted, from inside his carriage, "supervising the workers," as he later described it. Somehow, Arouet managed to get back inside the gates, and into de Sully's home. But instead of sympathy or even outrage, Arouet encountered only laughter. De Sully and his friends were amused: a preposterous wordsmith had been put in his place by someone who really mattered. Arouet vowed to avenge himself; he would challenge de Rohan to a duel, and kill him.
That was getting too serious. De Rohan's family had a word with the authorities; there was a police hunt; Arouet was arrested, then put in the Bastille.
When he finally got out he crossed the Channel, falling in love with England, and especially—estate agents take note—with the bucolic wonderland of Wandsworth, far from the grime of the busy city. He was exhilarated to find that there was a new concept in the air, the works of Newton, which represented what could be the opposite of the ancient, locked-in aristocratic system he'd known in France.
Newton had created a system of laws that seemed to detail, with superb accuracy, how every part of our universe moved about.
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