they must learn to take control of their own affairs,’ he had said in his inaugural speech. ‘Western
Europe and America did not reach their present level of wealth and stability without spilling the blood of their own people. Both England and the United States fought horrible civil wars and just
because they were many hundreds of years ago does not make the suffering any less for those who took part. We had no NATO or UN to intervene then, and maybe that was the right way to sort out our
problems. Since the Western democracies began to see themselves as the policemen of the world, civil war and slaughter has not lessened. The Rwandas, Kosovos and Cambodias continue.
‘My words might sound harsh to some. But by trying to help we have, in fact, failed to help. So perhaps if these societies so intent on being enemies with each other know that no one is
going to come to their aid, they will think twice about starting a war.’
So far President Hastings had kept his word. In the first two years of his presidency the television networks had become less interested in covering stories of Third World massacres and
refugees. It was an electoral gamble, but not a blind one. Hastings ran for the presidency after resigning his post as the chief executive of one of America’s biggest news networks. He
understood the link between journalists and power, believing that underneath the bravado of many top reporters was the yearning to be a politician.
The first story to test his policy occurred in Liberia, when every man, woman and child in three villages was slaughtered. He refused to answer questions on the massacre, saying he hadn’t
been properly briefed.
‘Why not, sir?’ shouted a young women from what had been his own network.
‘Just as I haven’t been briefed on the 20,614 murders in our own country last year. Nor have I seen the file on the twenty-seven murders which took place in New York last week. That
violence is the result of poverty, racism and hatred, no different to the motivation which has created the slaughter in Liberia. The killings there do not threaten American national interests, nor
are they a threat to world peace. What do I say to Marilyn Deane, the mother of Brent Deane, aged fifteen, who was gunned down in a Washington DC drugs war last week? What do I say when she asks me
to make her neighbourhood more safe? Do I turn round and say: “Don’t bother me now, I’m comforting a mother in Liberia”?’
With that retort, condemnation of Hastings’s policy petered out and the networks which had been flying crews and satellite dishes into Liberia, anticipating American involvement, pulled
out. The massacres continued, but the story ended.
After their assistants left the Oval Office, the President poured his National Security Advisor a coffee and moved from the coffee table on the blue wool carpet in the middle of the room to sit
back behind his desk.
Hastings leant back on his chair, his head brushing the yellow curtains hanging from the sash windows, looking out over the front lawn of the White House. Light streaming in silhouetted his
figure, which was flanked by the Star Spangled Banner and the Eagle emblem. He lifted a pile of papers out of his in-tray. ‘Pull up a chair, Tom,’ he said. ‘I have to sign papers
while we talk.’
‘I’m not suggesting we do anything about it,’ began Bloodworth. ‘But I wanted to mention developments in India to you.’
Hastings sipped his coffee. ‘All I remember about India is that it was a very difficult story to ever get anyone interested in. Even when they let off the bomb in 1998. People just
didn’t really care.’
‘Just before this meeting, Kashmiri insurgents shot down an Indian military helicopter with a Stinger surface-to-air missile,’ said Bloodworth. ‘One that we supplied to the
Afghan resistance during the war in the eighties. The Home Minister and the Northern army commander were killed, together with about thirty
Europe and America did not reach their present level of wealth and stability without spilling the blood of their own people. Both England and the United States fought horrible civil wars and just
because they were many hundreds of years ago does not make the suffering any less for those who took part. We had no NATO or UN to intervene then, and maybe that was the right way to sort out our
problems. Since the Western democracies began to see themselves as the policemen of the world, civil war and slaughter has not lessened. The Rwandas, Kosovos and Cambodias continue.
‘My words might sound harsh to some. But by trying to help we have, in fact, failed to help. So perhaps if these societies so intent on being enemies with each other know that no one is
going to come to their aid, they will think twice about starting a war.’
So far President Hastings had kept his word. In the first two years of his presidency the television networks had become less interested in covering stories of Third World massacres and
refugees. It was an electoral gamble, but not a blind one. Hastings ran for the presidency after resigning his post as the chief executive of one of America’s biggest news networks. He
understood the link between journalists and power, believing that underneath the bravado of many top reporters was the yearning to be a politician.
The first story to test his policy occurred in Liberia, when every man, woman and child in three villages was slaughtered. He refused to answer questions on the massacre, saying he hadn’t
been properly briefed.
‘Why not, sir?’ shouted a young women from what had been his own network.
‘Just as I haven’t been briefed on the 20,614 murders in our own country last year. Nor have I seen the file on the twenty-seven murders which took place in New York last week. That
violence is the result of poverty, racism and hatred, no different to the motivation which has created the slaughter in Liberia. The killings there do not threaten American national interests, nor
are they a threat to world peace. What do I say to Marilyn Deane, the mother of Brent Deane, aged fifteen, who was gunned down in a Washington DC drugs war last week? What do I say when she asks me
to make her neighbourhood more safe? Do I turn round and say: “Don’t bother me now, I’m comforting a mother in Liberia”?’
With that retort, condemnation of Hastings’s policy petered out and the networks which had been flying crews and satellite dishes into Liberia, anticipating American involvement, pulled
out. The massacres continued, but the story ended.
After their assistants left the Oval Office, the President poured his National Security Advisor a coffee and moved from the coffee table on the blue wool carpet in the middle of the room to sit
back behind his desk.
Hastings leant back on his chair, his head brushing the yellow curtains hanging from the sash windows, looking out over the front lawn of the White House. Light streaming in silhouetted his
figure, which was flanked by the Star Spangled Banner and the Eagle emblem. He lifted a pile of papers out of his in-tray. ‘Pull up a chair, Tom,’ he said. ‘I have to sign papers
while we talk.’
‘I’m not suggesting we do anything about it,’ began Bloodworth. ‘But I wanted to mention developments in India to you.’
Hastings sipped his coffee. ‘All I remember about India is that it was a very difficult story to ever get anyone interested in. Even when they let off the bomb in 1998. People just
didn’t really care.’
‘Just before this meeting, Kashmiri insurgents shot down an Indian military helicopter with a Stinger surface-to-air missile,’ said Bloodworth. ‘One that we supplied to the
Afghan resistance during the war in the eighties. The Home Minister and the Northern army commander were killed, together with about thirty
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