provide his sample to awaiting FBI agents. That Bill Clinton suffered such an indignity in front of a man who despised him only furthered the level of enmity between the two.
Freeh was in office during a terrorist attack on the Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia on June 25, 1996. The towers had been used as a housing installation for members of the U.S. armed forces. The blast killed nearly twenty members of the U.S. forces and injured close to five hundred. It was a massive explosion—a sign, especially in hindsight, of the threat terrorists posed to Americans and what would consume American foreign policy for the next decade and a half.
At a meeting with surviving spouses while investigating the disaster, Freeh was asked by a wife of a fallen airman “to promise me to my face, and use my name . . . that you will pursue this until you catch the people” responsible for the terrorism. Freeh promised the group that day that he would pursue justice. But, he explained, he would be facing difficulties: The suspects were being held by the Saudi government, and the Saudis were refusing to let U.S. investigators interview them directly. He needed the help of the president of the United States. He needed the commander in chief to intervene and impress upon the Saudis how important it was that these terrorists be brought in for killing Americans.
Determined to keep his promise to the grieving widow, Freeh later met with Prince Bandar, Saudi Arabia’s then ambassador to the United States. In the 1990s, despite his nervous breakdown, Bandar was an institution in Washington—popular, powerful, and long serving.
“They had some suspects, but the FBI wasn’t allowed to interrogate them directly, they had to submit the questions to the Saudi investigation unit or something like that. It was annoying and they needed permission from somebody high up in Saudi Arabia for the FBI to directly talk to these people or the suspects,” says a source familiar with the situation. “It was important to Freeh that he get [Saudi crown prince Abdullah’s] permission to allow the FBI to interrogate the suspects in the bombing.”
Bandar told Freeh that the Saudis would give Americans access to the suspects “if Clinton will ask” the crown prince, who was scheduled to visit Washington soon. “I will warn the prince that Clinton is going to,” Bandar said, “if you can set up Clinton.” It was up to the heads of the two states to work it out in person.
After his conversation with Prince Bandar, Freeh asked Clinton to request access to the Khobar Towers suspects, and Clinton said he would. Freeh had made the request to National Security Advisor Sandy Berger, who made assurances to Freeh that his request would be granted.
So after a meeting between Clinton and Abdullah, Freeh went over to Bandar’s posh house in McLean, Virginia, to follow up on the conversation that was supposed to have taken place between Clinton and the Saudi crown prince. Freeh also wanted to thank the Saudi crown prince, through Bandar, for helping to make sure that the Arab nation would help the Americans in their terror investigation.
But “it didn’t seem to work and he didn’t know why,” a source close to Freeh explains. The Saudis had decided not to let the Americans in. And Freeh couldn’t understand why. He thought he had done everything by the book—and that he had covered his bases by setting up both sides, the Americans, through Clinton, and the Saudis, through their ambassador. The request at that point would only be a formality, one that he had been assured would be granted when Clinton asked.
Bandar thanked Freeh for coming by and after chatting for a bit, walked the soon-to-be-outgoing FBI director to the door and then to his awaiting mini-motorcade.
Bandar followed him out and stopped him on the steps.
“I have to be honest with you,” Bandar confessed to Freeh. “Um, Clinton never mentioned it.” He hadn’t said a word about the Khobar
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