Call Sign Extortion 17

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Authors: Don Brown
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isn’t that complicated; it’s sort of like reading the key of a map. Just as a map might have a star denoting the capital city of a state, there is an acronym for the pilots of the Apache helicopterswho were interviewed (PB65BS). There’s another acronym for the co-­pilots (PB65FS) and still other acronyms for additional military personnel testifying.
    At first blush, some of the acronyms might look a bit strange for those not versed in military matters, and some are translated into layman’s terms to eliminate ambiguity as to who is speaking in the record.
    In many ways the Colt Report was extremely detailed, providing candid testimony from US military officers and enlisted members about the downing of the chopper, and showing detailed photographs and diagrams.
    In many other ways, however, the Colt Report was incredibly lacking, not even addressing areas critical to an accurate determination of what happened to Extortion 17, such as the blatant failure to pursue the identity of the Afghans who boarded that chopper without authority. The reason for this failure will be covered later in the book, and it has to do with General Mattis’s charging order to Brigadier General Colt, which, frankly, tied Colt’s hands in many ways.
    But for now, the Colt Report can be best understood, broadly, as both a wealth of crucial, detailed information about the crash and, at the same time, a big, black gaping hole, as if someone took a shovel and deliberately dug out crucial data and information absolutely essential to a determination of the truth, tossing that data into a secret abyss.
    These inexcusable gaping black holes in the report—including the failure to interview any Afghans familiar with the mission, the failure to even have a meaningful discussion about the identity of the seven unidentified Afghans who broke all protocol and entered the chopper moments before takeoff, and the failure to report on any forensics testing of small arms carried by those Afghans or by any of the SEALs—simply raise more questions and raise suspicion that the military was hiding something that if released, could prove highly embarrassing.
    This leads to another question: How did the Colt Report get out of the hands of the military to begin with?
    What really happened remains unclear. By stark contrast to the wealth of information provided in the Colt Report, as of early 2014, virtually no inside information had yet been released by the government on the Benghazi terror attack. In a conversation between an Extortion 17parent and Mr. Charles Woods, the father of former Navy SEAL Tyrone Woods, who along with former SEAL Glen Doherty was murdered in Benghazi attempting to defend Ambassador Chris Stevens against a mob that greatly outnumbered them, Mr. Woods is reported to have said that the Benghazi families have, in contrast, received virtually no information from the government on what occurred.
    But in the case of Extortion 17, the Colt Report, originally classified as Secret, was declassified and given to various family members of the fallen SEAL team upon their requests by certain Navy officials.
    Once the report had been released, some high-­level officer apparently asked to get it back from several family members, but did not receive the families’ cooperation. As of early February of 2014, the report had been provided to the Washington Times , and to this author. However, before publication of this book, it still had not been widely disseminated nor analyzed.

Chapter 9
    The Pink Elephant Escapes
    The biggest pink elephant in the room was the identity of the seven unidentified Afghans who rushed aboard the chopper prior to its shoot-­down.
    Flight Manifest Testimony
    A portion of the Colt Report transcript included testimony about the flight manifest, the official list of all personnel aboard the aircraft. Military regulations require the list to be accurate.
    In an interview conducted on August 15,

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