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Authors: Richard Nixon
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social justice and human rights. But the world is not a blank canvas on which we can paint our vision. We must take its myriad realities into account as we seek to realize ourgoals. The United States cannot become involved in every nation or region where our ideals have not been achieved. We favor extending peace and freedomâbut extending peace without compromising our interests or principles, and extending freedom without risking peace. If peace is our only goal, then the victory of freedom may be imperiled. If freedom is our only goal, then peace will be imperiled. It is the burden of being the only superpower that there are things we do not wish to do that we must do, and it is the burden of being a responsible superpower that there are things we wish to do that we cannot do.
In a world without a dominant enemy, we must consider each situation on its merits. Will our involvement be consistent with our values? Will it serve our interests? Will it serve the interests of our friends? Will it serve the interests of those directly involved? During the Cold War, the answer to each of these questions, where our efforts to oppose communist expansionism and Soviet aggression were concerned, was yes. The answer to each question should also be yes regarding our efforts to help bring about the victory of freedom in the former Soviet Union. No other single factor will have a greater political impact on the world in the century to come than whether political and economic freedom take root and thrive in Russia and the other former communist nations. Todayâs generation of American leaders will be judged primarily by whether they did everything possible to bring about this outcome. If they fail, the cost that their successors will have to pay will be unimaginably high.
Russia and the Victory of Freedom
Writing this spring in The Washington Post, one of the United Statesâs most distinguished foreign affairs observers asserted, âRussia is no longer a world power and will not be for some time.â If the United States falls into the trap of making this fatally flawed assumption the basis of its policy, prospects for peace and freedom in Russia, Europe, and elsewhere in the world will be gravely imperiled.
Those who suggest that its massive problems disqualify Russia from being treated as a great power ignore an unpleasant but undeniable fact. Russia is the only nation in the world with the capability of destroying the United States. For that reason alone, it remains our highest foreign policy priority. But the importance of Russia does not turn only on our immediate national security. Many millions of Russian people, who for three quarters of a century suffered under the most entrenched and brutal totalitarian dictatorship in history, depend on the survival and success of economic and political freedom.
The failure of freedom would also have a profoundly negative global impact. The reestablishment of a dictatorship and a command economy in Russia would give encouragement to every dictator and would-be dictator in the world. Since an authoritarian Russia would be far more likely to adopt an aggressive foreign policy than a democratic Russia, freedomâs failure would threaten peace and stability in Europe and around the world. If Russia turns away from democracy and economic freedom andwe have not done everything possible to prevent it, we will bear a large measure of responsibility for the ominous consequences.
As we develop policies toward Russia for the future, it is essential that we understand its past. The Bolshevik triumph in the Revolution of 1917 and in the civil war that followed shaped the course of events in the twentieth century and led to the rebirth of the Russian empire in a new, more deadly totalitarian form. The communist victory also contributed to the polarization of world politics, facilitating the Nazisâ rise to power in Germany. Despite the brief alliance with the West during World War
In a world without a dominant enemy, we must consider each situation on its merits. Will our involvement be consistent with our values? Will it serve our interests? Will it serve the interests of our friends? Will it serve the interests of those directly involved? During the Cold War, the answer to each of these questions, where our efforts to oppose communist expansionism and Soviet aggression were concerned, was yes. The answer to each question should also be yes regarding our efforts to help bring about the victory of freedom in the former Soviet Union. No other single factor will have a greater political impact on the world in the century to come than whether political and economic freedom take root and thrive in Russia and the other former communist nations. Todayâs generation of American leaders will be judged primarily by whether they did everything possible to bring about this outcome. If they fail, the cost that their successors will have to pay will be unimaginably high.
Russia and the Victory of Freedom
Writing this spring in The Washington Post, one of the United Statesâs most distinguished foreign affairs observers asserted, âRussia is no longer a world power and will not be for some time.â If the United States falls into the trap of making this fatally flawed assumption the basis of its policy, prospects for peace and freedom in Russia, Europe, and elsewhere in the world will be gravely imperiled.
Those who suggest that its massive problems disqualify Russia from being treated as a great power ignore an unpleasant but undeniable fact. Russia is the only nation in the world with the capability of destroying the United States. For that reason alone, it remains our highest foreign policy priority. But the importance of Russia does not turn only on our immediate national security. Many millions of Russian people, who for three quarters of a century suffered under the most entrenched and brutal totalitarian dictatorship in history, depend on the survival and success of economic and political freedom.
The failure of freedom would also have a profoundly negative global impact. The reestablishment of a dictatorship and a command economy in Russia would give encouragement to every dictator and would-be dictator in the world. Since an authoritarian Russia would be far more likely to adopt an aggressive foreign policy than a democratic Russia, freedomâs failure would threaten peace and stability in Europe and around the world. If Russia turns away from democracy and economic freedom andwe have not done everything possible to prevent it, we will bear a large measure of responsibility for the ominous consequences.
As we develop policies toward Russia for the future, it is essential that we understand its past. The Bolshevik triumph in the Revolution of 1917 and in the civil war that followed shaped the course of events in the twentieth century and led to the rebirth of the Russian empire in a new, more deadly totalitarian form. The communist victory also contributed to the polarization of world politics, facilitating the Nazisâ rise to power in Germany. Despite the brief alliance with the West during World War
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