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Authors: Juliet Barker
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of Dates for Students of English History
(Royal Historical Society, London, 1978), pp. 1-2. The Julian calendar was replaced by the Gregorian calendar throughout Christendom in 1582. (back to text)
11Ibid., pp. 3-6. (back to text)
12Ibid., pp. 12-13, 65-9. An added complication of using regnal years was that sometimes a moveable feast, such as Easter, either dropped out of a regnal year altogether, or occurred twice. (back to text)
13Monstrelet, iii, p. 103. (back to text)
14Cheney (ed),
Handbook of Dates for Students of English History
, p. 9; Harvey,
Living and Dying in England 1100-1540: the Medieval Experience
, pp. 154-5. (back to text)
15Ibid., pp. 155-6; Cheney (ed),
Handbook of Dates for Students of English History
, p. 9; Geddes, “Iron,” in Blair and Ramsay (eds),
English Medieval Industries: Craftsmen, Techniques, Products
, pp. 178-9. (back to text)
16
GHQ
, p. 61; Cheney (ed),
Handbook of Dates for Students of English History
, p. 80. (back to text)
17W&W, ii, pp. 88ff. prefer the alternative dating, starting on 6 October, but for confirmation of 8 October, see below, n. 26. (back to text)
18W&W, ii, pp. 88-9. The fact that the English army was able to take the Montivilliers road indicates that the floods in the Lézarde valley had now disappeared completely: Henry must have breached his own dam and opened the sluices in Harfleur because he needed to re-establish the water supply on taking the town. (back to text)
19Beamont,
Annals of the Lords of Warrington
, p. 245. Curry, pp. 430-1, argues convincingly that reassignment to new retinues explains the difference in personnel that sometimes occurs between muster rolls and retinue lists. This is a more credible explanation than that the retinues were brought up to full strength by the recruitment of new men, as she suggests in Curry,
Agincourt: A New History
, pp. 130-1. (back to text)
20Curry, pp. 433-4. If the retinues of the dukes of Clarence and York had taken their allotted quota of horses in full, according to the terms of their indentures, Clarence would have set out with 1798, York with 646; they returned home with only 1225 and 282, respectively. York’s losses, at almost exactly half, were proportionately higher than Clarence’s, at just under a third. The earl of Oxford would bring home only half the horses reserved for his personal use, together with six horses to pull his carts; his thirty-nine men-at-arms still had sixty-nine horses between them but his eighty-four archers had only thirty-seven. The earl marshal, on the other hand, shipped home his full personal complement of twenty-four horses, all of which had survived siege, march and battle. (back to text)
21
Foedera
, ix, pp. 314-15. Bardolf, perhaps mistakenly, believed that the “notable knight” (that is, the sire de Laurois) was acting under the authority of the sire de Laviéville. (back to text)
22Bacquet, pp. 109-10; Monstrelet, iii, p. 78. (back to text)
23
St-Denys
, v, p. 550; Bacquet, p. 101. (back to text)
24Ibid., pp. 110-11; W&W, ii, pp. 110-11. (back to text)
25Nicholas Wright,
Knights and Peasants: The Hundred Years War in the French Countryside
(Boydell Press, Woodbridge, 1998), pp. 57, 97. The underground city of Naours is now open to guided tourist visits: my description which follows is based on such a visit and the information provided on site. (back to text)
26
GHQ
, pp. 60-1; Nicolas, p. 361; W&W, ii, p. 90 nn. 9-10. One of the archers was called Robert Roger; the other, together with the esquire, was from the retinue of the earl of Suffolk who had died at the siege of Harfleur: according to the exchequer accounts, this ambush took place on 8 October, confirming that this was the actual date that the march began. (back to text)
27
First English Life
, p. 42. (back to text)
28
Chronicles of London
, pp. 117, 304; Nicolas, p. 361; W&W, ii, pp. 91-2, 91 nn. 4-7, 92 n. 3. According to a plaque in the abbey church, Estold d’Estouteville was abbot of
(Royal Historical Society, London, 1978), pp. 1-2. The Julian calendar was replaced by the Gregorian calendar throughout Christendom in 1582. (back to text)
11Ibid., pp. 3-6. (back to text)
12Ibid., pp. 12-13, 65-9. An added complication of using regnal years was that sometimes a moveable feast, such as Easter, either dropped out of a regnal year altogether, or occurred twice. (back to text)
13Monstrelet, iii, p. 103. (back to text)
14Cheney (ed),
Handbook of Dates for Students of English History
, p. 9; Harvey,
Living and Dying in England 1100-1540: the Medieval Experience
, pp. 154-5. (back to text)
15Ibid., pp. 155-6; Cheney (ed),
Handbook of Dates for Students of English History
, p. 9; Geddes, “Iron,” in Blair and Ramsay (eds),
English Medieval Industries: Craftsmen, Techniques, Products
, pp. 178-9. (back to text)
16
GHQ
, p. 61; Cheney (ed),
Handbook of Dates for Students of English History
, p. 80. (back to text)
17W&W, ii, pp. 88ff. prefer the alternative dating, starting on 6 October, but for confirmation of 8 October, see below, n. 26. (back to text)
18W&W, ii, pp. 88-9. The fact that the English army was able to take the Montivilliers road indicates that the floods in the Lézarde valley had now disappeared completely: Henry must have breached his own dam and opened the sluices in Harfleur because he needed to re-establish the water supply on taking the town. (back to text)
19Beamont,
Annals of the Lords of Warrington
, p. 245. Curry, pp. 430-1, argues convincingly that reassignment to new retinues explains the difference in personnel that sometimes occurs between muster rolls and retinue lists. This is a more credible explanation than that the retinues were brought up to full strength by the recruitment of new men, as she suggests in Curry,
Agincourt: A New History
, pp. 130-1. (back to text)
20Curry, pp. 433-4. If the retinues of the dukes of Clarence and York had taken their allotted quota of horses in full, according to the terms of their indentures, Clarence would have set out with 1798, York with 646; they returned home with only 1225 and 282, respectively. York’s losses, at almost exactly half, were proportionately higher than Clarence’s, at just under a third. The earl of Oxford would bring home only half the horses reserved for his personal use, together with six horses to pull his carts; his thirty-nine men-at-arms still had sixty-nine horses between them but his eighty-four archers had only thirty-seven. The earl marshal, on the other hand, shipped home his full personal complement of twenty-four horses, all of which had survived siege, march and battle. (back to text)
21
Foedera
, ix, pp. 314-15. Bardolf, perhaps mistakenly, believed that the “notable knight” (that is, the sire de Laurois) was acting under the authority of the sire de Laviéville. (back to text)
22Bacquet, pp. 109-10; Monstrelet, iii, p. 78. (back to text)
23
St-Denys
, v, p. 550; Bacquet, p. 101. (back to text)
24Ibid., pp. 110-11; W&W, ii, pp. 110-11. (back to text)
25Nicholas Wright,
Knights and Peasants: The Hundred Years War in the French Countryside
(Boydell Press, Woodbridge, 1998), pp. 57, 97. The underground city of Naours is now open to guided tourist visits: my description which follows is based on such a visit and the information provided on site. (back to text)
26
GHQ
, pp. 60-1; Nicolas, p. 361; W&W, ii, p. 90 nn. 9-10. One of the archers was called Robert Roger; the other, together with the esquire, was from the retinue of the earl of Suffolk who had died at the siege of Harfleur: according to the exchequer accounts, this ambush took place on 8 October, confirming that this was the actual date that the march began. (back to text)
27
First English Life
, p. 42. (back to text)
28
Chronicles of London
, pp. 117, 304; Nicolas, p. 361; W&W, ii, pp. 91-2, 91 nn. 4-7, 92 n. 3. According to a plaque in the abbey church, Estold d’Estouteville was abbot of
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