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Authors: Kurt Eichenwald
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British Cabinet Office.
Moreover, he and his al-Qaeda terrorists had probably acted alone, Scarlett said, without the connivance of a sovereign state. Agreed, said Stephen Lander, the director general of Security Service, known better as MI5. Bin Laden just didn’t work with governments in his operations—he was too much of an egomaniac to place himself as subordinate to anyone.
“We need a command paper immediately on who al-Qaeda is, why they exist, what they do, and how they do it,” Blair said.
Britain, Blair said, was going to have to move deftly to influence the Bush administration’s response to the attacks in hopes of preventing the president from doing anything rash. It would be a delicate diplomatic challenge.
“The U.S. is going to feel beleaguered and angry because there is so much anti-Americanism around,” he said.
“The pressure on the Americans to respond quickly, even immediately, is going to be enormous,” Lander added.
Afghanistan, which had harbored al-Qaeda for years, would most likely be the immediate object of America’s wrath. But the Blair government couldn’t exclude the possibility that the United States might turn its guns on hostile nations like Iraq, Libya, and Iran if it uncovered evidence that they were complicit in the attacks—however unlikely that might be.
There was a general agreement on two points: The Bush administration should demand that the Taliban government in Afghanistan serve up bin Laden, and Britain should aid in appealing to the international community to support the United States in its inevitable quest to take down al-Qaeda.
It was also important not to overstate the terrorists’ capability to inflict further damage on the West, at least based on that morning’s attack. “This was less about technology than it was about skill and nerve,” Scarlett said.
Lander jumped in. “It’s the next logical step up from a car bomb,” he said. “Turning a plane into a bomb and destroying a symbol of America takes some doing, but it could be done by al-Qaeda because there are so many terrorists willing to kill themselves.”
All that was beside the point for now. The critical issue, Blair repeated, was how Bush would react to these events. He had been president for less than a year and was largely untested. He might flail out against America’s enemies in ways that could be unpredictable, or even counterproductive.
“He could be under enormous pressure to do something irresponsible,” Blair said—especially if the international community didn’t unite behind the United States.
“If America hears that the world view is that this happened because Bush is more isolationist,” Blair said, “there is going to be a reaction.”
• • •
Massoud. Scooter Libby tossed the name over in his mind. Islamists posing as news reporters had just assassinated the Northern Alliance leader. The strongestfighting force battling al-Qaeda and the Taliban had lost its most important leader. Then, in less than forty-eight hours, America was attacked. The United States had been deprived of an ally who could have been counted on to join in any military operation against bin Laden and his cohort. An unlikely coincidence, or perhaps more proof that bin Laden’s hand was behind the hijackings.
Libby reached for a pen and wrote a note.
Did Massoud’s assassination pave the way for the attack in the United States?
He slipped the piece of paper to Cheney. The vice president skimmed it, turned to Libby, and nodded.
• • •
At 3:00 P.M. in Toronto, a truck driver named Ahmad El-Maati unlocked the door to his apartment, went inside, and greeted his mother.
El-Maati looked exhausted; it had been a day of enormous strain. Early that morning, he had quit the long-haul trucking business, returning his rig’s keys to his employer, Highland Transport. He had enjoyed the work until a month before, when he was stopped at the American border and searched.
Moreover, he and his al-Qaeda terrorists had probably acted alone, Scarlett said, without the connivance of a sovereign state. Agreed, said Stephen Lander, the director general of Security Service, known better as MI5. Bin Laden just didn’t work with governments in his operations—he was too much of an egomaniac to place himself as subordinate to anyone.
“We need a command paper immediately on who al-Qaeda is, why they exist, what they do, and how they do it,” Blair said.
Britain, Blair said, was going to have to move deftly to influence the Bush administration’s response to the attacks in hopes of preventing the president from doing anything rash. It would be a delicate diplomatic challenge.
“The U.S. is going to feel beleaguered and angry because there is so much anti-Americanism around,” he said.
“The pressure on the Americans to respond quickly, even immediately, is going to be enormous,” Lander added.
Afghanistan, which had harbored al-Qaeda for years, would most likely be the immediate object of America’s wrath. But the Blair government couldn’t exclude the possibility that the United States might turn its guns on hostile nations like Iraq, Libya, and Iran if it uncovered evidence that they were complicit in the attacks—however unlikely that might be.
There was a general agreement on two points: The Bush administration should demand that the Taliban government in Afghanistan serve up bin Laden, and Britain should aid in appealing to the international community to support the United States in its inevitable quest to take down al-Qaeda.
It was also important not to overstate the terrorists’ capability to inflict further damage on the West, at least based on that morning’s attack. “This was less about technology than it was about skill and nerve,” Scarlett said.
Lander jumped in. “It’s the next logical step up from a car bomb,” he said. “Turning a plane into a bomb and destroying a symbol of America takes some doing, but it could be done by al-Qaeda because there are so many terrorists willing to kill themselves.”
All that was beside the point for now. The critical issue, Blair repeated, was how Bush would react to these events. He had been president for less than a year and was largely untested. He might flail out against America’s enemies in ways that could be unpredictable, or even counterproductive.
“He could be under enormous pressure to do something irresponsible,” Blair said—especially if the international community didn’t unite behind the United States.
“If America hears that the world view is that this happened because Bush is more isolationist,” Blair said, “there is going to be a reaction.”
• • •
Massoud. Scooter Libby tossed the name over in his mind. Islamists posing as news reporters had just assassinated the Northern Alliance leader. The strongestfighting force battling al-Qaeda and the Taliban had lost its most important leader. Then, in less than forty-eight hours, America was attacked. The United States had been deprived of an ally who could have been counted on to join in any military operation against bin Laden and his cohort. An unlikely coincidence, or perhaps more proof that bin Laden’s hand was behind the hijackings.
Libby reached for a pen and wrote a note.
Did Massoud’s assassination pave the way for the attack in the United States?
He slipped the piece of paper to Cheney. The vice president skimmed it, turned to Libby, and nodded.
• • •
At 3:00 P.M. in Toronto, a truck driver named Ahmad El-Maati unlocked the door to his apartment, went inside, and greeted his mother.
El-Maati looked exhausted; it had been a day of enormous strain. Early that morning, he had quit the long-haul trucking business, returning his rig’s keys to his employer, Highland Transport. He had enjoyed the work until a month before, when he was stopped at the American border and searched.
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