Harriman’s turn. Invoking the names of Harry Truman and Franklin Roosevelt—the two Democratic presidents whose policies were responsible for catalyzing a sea change in the attitude of Afro-Americans toward the Democratic party after so many years of loyalty to the Republicans as the party of Abraham Lincoln—he continued the references to the Little Rock crisis begun by the others. He criticized Eisenhower for waiting so long a year earlier, when the crisis began, before sending in theNational Guard to ensure the safety of the six young Negro students integrating Little Rock Central High School. These students had to withstand the jeers and violence of Caucasian spectators while a national television audience watched in horror. “For three weeks [Eisenhower] waited. Well, I ask you, my friends, how long would it have taken Harry Truman?”
“One day!” responded the crowd. Then he criticized the president for refraining from stating that the Supreme Court school desegregation decision should be obeyed not only because it was now the law but because it was also morally right, and that his failure to do this created a vacuum into which bigots and demagogues felt free to move.
As he said this, Izola Curry started up again calling Caucasians racists. Once more Rowe tried to calm her down.
Soon it was King’s turn. And Lewis Michaeux, with twelve supporters in tow, let King know how he felt about being snubbed. At the Empire State Bookstore the day before, it was estimated that King autographed at the rate of three books per minute and signed a total of five hundred copies. “I’ve been here for twenty-two years as the leading Negro bookstore in Harlem,” complained Michaeux to a reporter. “And yet King and his publishers didn’t even come to see me.”
King ignored Michaeux and his supporters and delivered his prepared remarks. He voiced support for integrating the Little Rock schools, calling upon the federal government to step in and take over if necessary. “Many of you had hoped I would come here to bring you a message of hate against the white man because ofwhat has happened,” he continued, obviously referring to what happened to him during the Abernathy fiasco. “I come with no such message. Black supremacy is just as bad as white supremacy.” This utterance was met with mingled applause. “I come with a message of love rather than hate,” he continued. What he said next would become a standard refrain throughout his days as the principal disciple of nonviolence in the movement: “Don’t let any man make you stoop so low that you have hate. Have love in your hearts for those who would do you wrong.” Surprisingly, in light of the fact that this was Harlem, cheers for these words rose to a crescendo, drowning out the jeers of Izola Curry, who had started up her heckling once more, protesting that no Negro should ever try to cooperate with a Caucasian.
Miraculously, the rally ended without incident. But Hulan Jack was worried. He felt that in light of the heckling of Curry as well as Michaeux and his supporters, it was probably best for King to have a bodyguard for the remainder of his visit. He told King and Rowe this as the three of them stepped off the dais. “Oh God, don’t get a bodyguard!” King is alleged to have responded. Then, turning to Rowe, he said, “And don’t you try to act like one either.”
In light of what happened the following day, the three men would regret this decision.
EIGHT
crisis
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 20th was a beautiful sunny day. William Rowe made his way back to the Hotel Statler in midtown to pick up King and escort him to Blumstein’s. As he waited for King to arrive, Mr. I. B. Blumstein was a little nervous. The previous evening Micheaux’s supporters had picketed the store urging passersby to “Buy Black.” What if they reappeared? wondered Blumstein, who had a couple of police present just in case. Luckily no one came.
As they awaited King’s
Michael Crichton
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LISA CHILDS