polarized beyond the point of no return. We cannot afford to let bad debate drive out the good.
âSpeech, November 2, 1975
Our large cities are totally impersonal: They crank human beings through their daily activities. Our large universities are totally impersonal: They stamp out people with fixed credentials. Our large industries are totally impersonal: They employ people in repetitive tasks empty of a sense of value. Our large units of government are totally impersonal: They exist for their own sake rather than for the people they serve. And all these institutions seem unresponsive to the individual complaint or desire. There is a general sense of helplessness, a feeling of uselessness.
âAcceptance speech for nomination as a
candidate for re-election to the U.S. Senate
at the Massachusetts Democratic Convention,
Amherst, June 12, 1970
Earlier this week, scientists announced the completion of a task that once seemed unimaginableâdeciphering the entire DNA sequence of the human genetic code. This amazing accomplishment is likely to affect the 21st century as profoundly as the invention of the computer or the splitting of the atom affected the 20th century. The 21st century may well be the century of the life sciences, and nothing makes that point more clearly than this momentous discovery.
These new discoveries bring with them remarkable new opportunities for improving health care. But they also carry the danger that genetic information will be used, not to improve the lives of Americans, but as a basis for discrimination. Genetic discrimination may sound like something new and hard to understand, but itâs not. Discrimination on the basis of a personâs genetic traits is as unacceptable as discrimination on the basis of gender, skin color, or any other unalterable condition of a personâs birth. Genetic discrimination is wrong, whether it takes place on a job application or in the office of an insurance underwriter.
âStatement on Genetic Discrimination,
June 29, 2000
Policy formation without public participation is like faith and hope without charity.
âSpeech, June 3, 1975
Americaâs national pie is big enough for us all to share.
âComments on farming policies, May 26, 1976
I hope for an America where the power of faith will always burn brightly, but where no modern inquisition of any kind will ever light the fires of fear, coercion, or angry division.
I hope for an America where we can all contend freely and vigorously, but where we will treasure and guard those standards of civility which alone make this nation safe for both democracy and diversity.
âSpeech at Liberty University, October 3, 1983
Vital U.S. interests would clearly be served by implementing a lasting peace in Bosnia. All of us are familiar with the massacres and the atrocities that have characterized this brutal war. ⦠Ending the carnage and restoring peace and stability to this part of Europe will prevent the kind of wider war that would inevitably involve the United Statesâand under far greater risk. Twice in this century Americans have died in battle in massive wars in Europe. ⦠The peace, security, and freedom of Europe are still a vital interest of the United States today.
âStatement at Senate Armed Services
hearing on Bosnia, November 18, 1995
Apartheid concerns everyone directly because it involves the whole future pattern of human relations. Apartheid is in conflict with the accepted principle of equality in rights of all human beings, and therefore it represents a challenge to the conscience of all mankind.
âAddress, Senate Finance Committee,
June 21, 1971
Will America support peoples of Africa who seek only the âunalienable rightsâ we sought and won ourselves two centuries ago? Or will we continue to follow policies that isolate us from these peoplesâpolicies that place us on the side of minority governments that deny basic human rights, and
RS Anthony
W. D. Wilson
Pearl S. Buck
J.K. O'Hanlon
janet elizabeth henderson
Shawna Delacorte
Paul Watkins
Anne Marsh
Amelia Hutchins
Françoise Sagan