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answered, laughing loudly. “There is nothing that is legal in this world—everything has to be illegal. There is a lot of money in this. In this, see, who’s going to support our Muslim brothers? People like you, people like me, who have the resources to support,who have the power to support them. Until and unless we support, then we are not Muslims! If you are eating and you don’t support your brother, then you are not Muslim.”
    Hussain kept on talking in this manner. This was one of the informant’s regular tactics in the case, talking about things that could be construed as related to terrorism but dominating the conversation to such an extent that Hossain said very little.
    Over the next few weeks, Hussain regularly dropped by the Little Italy Pizzeria. He said he admired Hossain’s faith, and the two of them often talked about Islam. During those conversations, Hossain mentioned several times that he was short on money. One day, Hussain made him an offer: he’d give him $50,000 in cash, and Hossain could keep $5,000 and pay back the remaining $45,000 in installments over the following year. Hossain agreed, no questions asked. The government would later call this money laundering; Hossain would call it a loan, because his pizza shop was struggling and he needed money to fix up two run-down houses he’d purchased at a city auction. Either way, the transaction would allow the government to inch closer to their target—Yassin Aref, the local imam from Iraq. Hussain and the FBI knew that Hossain would want a religious leader to oversee the financial transaction—a customary request for any devout Muslim—and they also knew how to narrow the candidates down to ensure that the religious leader he chose was Aref.
    â€œI don’t want any Pakistani or Bangladeshi or Indian as witness. I don’t want these people to know my business,” Hussain said when Hossain asked for someone to oversee the transaction.
    In Albany, that left only one Muslim as a possible candidate. “How about Brother Yassin as witness?” Hossain asked.
    Hussain agreed excitedly. “Holy is Allah,” he said.
    Hussain arranged to give the first installment of money to Hossain on January 2, 2004. Hussain’s FBI handlers told him to make it clear that the money was ill-gotten. “I told him to explain that the money came from—make sure you explain the money came from illegal proceeds,” FBI Special Agent Timothy Coll said. “Malik told me the general term used is ‘blacken the money,’ so I said tell them in your words that the money came from illegal proceeds, that the money is black money, that the money came from under the table, under the tax—to be hidden from taxes.” 24 Coll also instructed Hussain to give the money to Hossain and Aref while holding up in plain view the trigger mechanism for a surface-to-air missile. 25 The trigger mechanism is about the size of a large handgun and attaches to the body of the missile launcher. It looks like an oversized label maker when separated from the missile.
    Just after two thirty in the afternoon on January 2, Hossain and Aref arrived at the informant’s warehouse. They took seats in plastic chairs in front of Hussain’s desk. Just as with the previous meeting between Hossain and Hussain, a camera in the corner recorded the conversation. This time, they all spoke in English, since Aref did not speak Urdu.
    â€œOkay, let’s do some business, okay? Let’s make some money, okay?” Hussain said as he pulled a wad of cash from the desk drawer. “This is $5,000, okay? I want you to count it, okay?”
    Hussain handed the money to Aref, who began to count the bills. As he counted, Hussain reached behind and grabbed the trigger mechanism. “When I have to send this in, they will give me $45,000, $50,000, okay?” he said, holding the mechanism aloft. “This is part of the