The Surge - 03

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overthrow a neighboring government.”
    “I wish it were that easy, gentlemen. As I’m sure both of you are aware, the House and Senate have been vigorously debating that law, as well as the merits of a dozen major pieces of legislation due to expire, for the past several months. Texas was formed on the conservative principles that promised a small, non-intrusive government. The people want a federal presence that keeps its nose out of their business. Somehow, the gun control issue has become the litmus test to determine if we’re going to keep our promise.”
    Simmons was pacing now, obviously deep in troubled thought. The two senior rangers watched, both knowing it wasn’t wise to interrupt.
    The president finally resumed, “This is a complicated issue, gentlemen. For example, I could sign an executive order delaying the new law by 30 days. That act, in my opinion, would lead to enormous public unrest, perhaps outright disobedience. Even the people who don’t care about gun control would then be watching Austin with a suspicious eye. We have to keep the promises made before the secession.”
    “What if you informed the general pubic the delay was due to a credible, international threat?” Putnam offered. “Tell the people that law enforcement needs the additional time to round up some very dangerous men?”
    Simmons waved off the suggestion. “We’ve had quite enough of law enforcement weighing in on this debate. If I were to sign such an order, a lot of people would proclaim we were stalling to keep the police happy and safe, all at the cost of personal liberties. There are about 100 police chiefs I wish had kept their mouths shut about this entire affair. All they’ve managed to do is gin up emotions on both sides of the argument.”
    The colonel weighed in, “Sir, if there is a coup in Mexico, it is likely to be an extremely violent affair with unprecedented amounts of bloodshed. Even if the cartels fail to overthrow the government, having a bunch of Texas weapons involved in the attempt can’t possibly be good for the republic. There has to be something we can do.”
    The argument didn’t seem to carry much weight with the Commander in Chief. “Even before the secession, Mexico constantly complained that the United States was arming the cartels. I remember one study that claimed over 90% of the weapons seized by the Mexican authorities were from America. I’m not convinced the Lone Star Republic’s disallowing such devices would make all that much difference.”
    Putnam upped the ante, “If the cartels do win, many experts believe there will be a civil war in Mexico within a year. Perhaps more than one. I’ve seen models that predict our neighbor to the south will eventually end up like Europe in the 1600s, separating into a bunch of smaller, independent states that are constantly fighting amongst themselves. It doesn’t take a Ph.D. from Texas Tech to see how such conditions south of the Rio Grande would spill over into our nation. The worst case scenario is that we would be drawn into those regional conflicts.”
    “Yes, I’ve read those same prophecies,” Simmons nodded. He then began counting on his fingers, “First, Texas would be inundated with refugees trying to escape the violence. Then, the losing side would retreat across our border for sanctuary. They would be pursued by those with the upper hand, and our towns and cities would become battlefields. And that is just the first wave of contact; the forecasts continue with repercussions that last for years, perhaps decades. And yet, we can’t impact the lives of our citizens based on the expectations, estimates, and the potential actions of another country. Believe me, gentlemen, I understand the ramifications. It’s an extremely troubling paradox because there is no workable solution.”
    The three men sat in silence for some time, each running the private gauntlet of his own thoughts. The atmosphere in the president’s office was

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