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Book: The Purple Gang: Organized Crime in Detroit, 1910-1945 by Paul R. Kavieff
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Authors: Paul R. Kavieff
Tags: True Crime, organized crime
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a
movement to eliminate commissions for drivers and put them on
straight salary, prompting many drivers to quit their plants to side
with Jacoby.
Any
drivers remaining on Rosman's side were then confronted by the
Purples and threatened that if they refused to work for Jacoby, "we
don't know what will happen to you!" According to one tailor,
the labor bosses were trying to divide the tailors and the drivers
because members were beginning to break away from the Association's
control.
Shortly
after the commission drivers sided with Jacoby, a message was
delivered to Harry Rosman. He was told that Jacoby had the power to
eliminate the commission drivers in exchange for $1,000 a week. At
the next union meeting Jacoby attended with a committee of laundry
drivers, introduced himself as business representative of the Drivers
Union, and had a vote taken wherein the commission drivers were
eliminated.
Abe
Bernstein then met with Rosman and told him the Detroit cleaning
industry would be straightened out if Rosman paid him $1000 a week.
Rosman refused and suffered the aforementioned bombing of his Famous
Cleaners and Dyers plant.
The
union eventually agreed to pay Bernstein his money to insure
protection of their plants. It was raised through contributions from
each operator beyond the ordinary weekly dues. At the next meeting,
Jacoby took the floor and announced that the only way he would be a
party to the agreement was if the Assciation agreed to make Abe
Bernstein boss.
Abe
Bernstein then announced that he was going to "run the parade
from now on and that it would be too bad for anyone who dropped out
of line." Onion members later testified that the organization
paying Abe Bernstein and the cessation of all fires, bombings, and
mayhem matched to the day.
After
taking over the Wholesale Cleaners and Dyers Association, Abe
Bernstein and a group of heavily armed Purple gangsters would appear
promptly at the start of the weekly meetings. The gunmen would sit in
an adjoining room while Bernstein opened the meeting, collected the
dues, and left with his men.
When
Charles Jacoby resigned from the Association, the dues increased. A
member complained to Sam Polakoff, acting business representative,
and was told that nothing could be done as the dues were set by Abe
Bernstein and Charles Jacoby. The Association voted to take Bernstein
off the payroll, Polakoff reluctantly agreed, and his murder is
history.
When
the operators filed formal complaints against Jacoby and the Purple
Gang, Abe Bernstein, accompanied by attorney Edward Kennedy Jr., said
he didn't understand what the commotion was all about. He claimed no
knowledge of terrorism in the Detroit cleaning industry.
Inspector
Henry J. Garvin was amused by Bernstein's claim that he was employed
as a shoe salesman. According to Garvin, "The Bernstein boys
never had any connection with the shoe business unless it was to wear
out shoes running from the police!"
It
appeared that the State had an airtight case against the Purple Gang
on the Cleaners and Dyers War charges. The State contended that
Charles Jacoby and
the Purple Gang had attempted to destroy the business of members of
the Detroit Wholesalers Association with terrorism. But immediately
after the trial began, the State's case began to suffer setbacks.
§
§ §
Two
of the members of the Wholesalers Association named as complainants
became hostile witnesses. At the pretrial examination, both denied
ever making charges against Jacoby or anyone else. The pattern would
continue throughout the trial.
For
pretrial, defense argued that the industry war had been a plot
between Frank Martel, as Detroit Federation of Labor President, and
Harry Rosman to ruin Jacoby's business. Jacoby had stood up to Martel
and was Rosman's chief competitor. Judge Cotter responded by
demanding an explanation for armed men at union meetings and
Association dues to Abe Bernstein for protection.
The
defense had no response; the men were held
movement to eliminate commissions for drivers and put them on
straight salary, prompting many drivers to quit their plants to side
with Jacoby.
Any
drivers remaining on Rosman's side were then confronted by the
Purples and threatened that if they refused to work for Jacoby, "we
don't know what will happen to you!" According to one tailor,
the labor bosses were trying to divide the tailors and the drivers
because members were beginning to break away from the Association's
control.
Shortly
after the commission drivers sided with Jacoby, a message was
delivered to Harry Rosman. He was told that Jacoby had the power to
eliminate the commission drivers in exchange for $1,000 a week. At
the next union meeting Jacoby attended with a committee of laundry
drivers, introduced himself as business representative of the Drivers
Union, and had a vote taken wherein the commission drivers were
eliminated.
Abe
Bernstein then met with Rosman and told him the Detroit cleaning
industry would be straightened out if Rosman paid him $1000 a week.
Rosman refused and suffered the aforementioned bombing of his Famous
Cleaners and Dyers plant.
The
union eventually agreed to pay Bernstein his money to insure
protection of their plants. It was raised through contributions from
each operator beyond the ordinary weekly dues. At the next meeting,
Jacoby took the floor and announced that the only way he would be a
party to the agreement was if the Assciation agreed to make Abe
Bernstein boss.
Abe
Bernstein then announced that he was going to "run the parade
from now on and that it would be too bad for anyone who dropped out
of line." Onion members later testified that the organization
paying Abe Bernstein and the cessation of all fires, bombings, and
mayhem matched to the day.
After
taking over the Wholesale Cleaners and Dyers Association, Abe
Bernstein and a group of heavily armed Purple gangsters would appear
promptly at the start of the weekly meetings. The gunmen would sit in
an adjoining room while Bernstein opened the meeting, collected the
dues, and left with his men.
When
Charles Jacoby resigned from the Association, the dues increased. A
member complained to Sam Polakoff, acting business representative,
and was told that nothing could be done as the dues were set by Abe
Bernstein and Charles Jacoby. The Association voted to take Bernstein
off the payroll, Polakoff reluctantly agreed, and his murder is
history.
When
the operators filed formal complaints against Jacoby and the Purple
Gang, Abe Bernstein, accompanied by attorney Edward Kennedy Jr., said
he didn't understand what the commotion was all about. He claimed no
knowledge of terrorism in the Detroit cleaning industry.
Inspector
Henry J. Garvin was amused by Bernstein's claim that he was employed
as a shoe salesman. According to Garvin, "The Bernstein boys
never had any connection with the shoe business unless it was to wear
out shoes running from the police!"
It
appeared that the State had an airtight case against the Purple Gang
on the Cleaners and Dyers War charges. The State contended that
Charles Jacoby and
the Purple Gang had attempted to destroy the business of members of
the Detroit Wholesalers Association with terrorism. But immediately
after the trial began, the State's case began to suffer setbacks.
§
§ §
Two
of the members of the Wholesalers Association named as complainants
became hostile witnesses. At the pretrial examination, both denied
ever making charges against Jacoby or anyone else. The pattern would
continue throughout the trial.
For
pretrial, defense argued that the industry war had been a plot
between Frank Martel, as Detroit Federation of Labor President, and
Harry Rosman to ruin Jacoby's business. Jacoby had stood up to Martel
and was Rosman's chief competitor. Judge Cotter responded by
demanding an explanation for armed men at union meetings and
Association dues to Abe Bernstein for protection.
The
defense had no response; the men were held
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