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of tuberculosis. He was the
first person to lie in state in the United States Capitol. Pierce then
trounced Scott in one of the most lopsided presidential elections in
history. The Whig Party was essentially dead, rendered irrelevant by
their divisions over slavery and unable to survive the passing of their
founder. 19
    It was appropriate that Anderson delivered his personal and
moving tribute to Clay in Cincinnati on the very day of the election,
November 2. This was a eulogy for both the man and his party. It was
no coincidence, Anderson suggested, that this great leader was born
in the first year of his country’s independence in Hanover County,
Virginia, where so many noble patriots like Patrick Henry and
Anderson’s own father resided. Like Richard C. Anderson, Clay had
made his way to Kentucky early and dedicated his life to the service
of his commonwealth and his country. What set Clay apart,
according to Anderson, was “an undaunted independence of mind in
himself, and a most ardent and philanthropic sympathy with the rights
of Liberty in all Mankind.” Clay’s first vote and speech, Anderson
was quick to point out, was in favor of Negro emancipation. Just
as Anderson had experienced when advocating against Ohio’s Black
Laws, Clay had been “howled, by the accustomed outcries, into the
seclusion and consequent oblivion of private life.” Neither Clay nor
Anderson would remain in political exile long. Clay’s moral
objections to slavery were gradually overcome by “reason and
understanding,” in Anderson’s words, as the Great Compromiser realized that
his dream of general emancipation was both impractical and
dangerous to the fragile Union. Anderson called Clay the “model statesman
of the model republic.” He was also the model after which Anderson
patterned his public life and most cherished principles. 20
    Cut adrift from the only political party he had ever supported,
Anderson vowed to maintain the principles and legacy of his hero,
describing his newfound status as a “fossil Whig.” As the emerging
Republican and American parties competed with the Democrats to
woo former Whigs to their camp, Anderson retained his
independence. He would only support good men from any party whom he
felt might help keep the Union intact. This principled stand brought
him praise from a select few as well as derision and scorn from the
vast majority of politicians. They could not understand how he could
avoid party affiliation and stay relevant. Yet Charles Anderson’s name
seemed to be constantly on the lips of Ohio’s political operatives. He
was still a man of influence, a wild card that might be played in an
uncertain game of power where the players and the rules were in a
state of perpetual flux.

CHAPTER FIVE

Political Outcast
     
    A S THE WHIGS SANK RAPIDLY into the political abyss,Charles
Anderson focused on his practice and achieved more success
than he had ever enjoyed in his adult life. To display his
new-found wealth, he constructed a lavish residence at the southeast
corner of Pike and Fifth Streets in Cincinnati, just a few hundred yards
from the mansion of Nicholas Longworth, whom many considered
the wealthiest man west of New York. Anderson hired accomplished
architectJohn Hamilton, who had designed several public buildings
and cemeteries in his native England, to build his dream house. The
plan was ambitious. Anderson drew inspiration from his European
tour, choosing to design the house in the popular Italian Villa style.
The builder took advantage of its picturesque position, perched on
the edge of a steep hill, with a commanding view of the city and
countryside below. The house impressed visitors, not with scale and
opulence, but rather with its tasteful artistic sensibilities, creative use
of a difficult building site, and advanced technology.
    Approaching the residence from the street, two iron statues of lions
copied from those at St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome greeted Anderson’s
guests at