hanged with the same finality.”
But Huerta’s departure did not bring peace to Mexico or the stability that President Wilson had hoped for. The relationship
between Villa and Carranza was unraveling quickly and on September 23, 1914, Villa publicly repudiated Carranza. In an effort
to avoid more bloodshed, 150 revolutionary leaders from throughout Mexico held a convention beginning in October of 1914 in
Aguascalientes, a small city located in the center of the country known for its hot springs and beautiful textiles. The participants
included Villistas, Carrancistas, and a third block of revolutionaries who favored neither side, but were intent upon their
own agendas.
At the urging of Felipe Ángeles, Emiliano Zapata, who controlled the state of Morelos, located south of Mexico City, sent
twenty-six representatives to the convention. Land was at the heart of Zapata’s rebellion. The residents of his village, Anenecuilco,
had grievances that went back to 1607, when they received a land grant from the Spanish viceroy. The owners of a nearby hacienda
immediately seized the property, and the villagers had been fighting to get it back ever since. At the outbreak of the revolution,
Zapata had issued his Plan de Ayala, which had three major points: restitution for villages and citizens whose property and
water had been illegally seized; expropriation of one-third of the disputed lands accompanied by compensation to current owners;
and finally, seizure of the remaining two-thirds for “war indemnities” if the owners failed to cooperate.
Although Zapata was wary of making alliances with other revolutionary leaders, he was partial to Villa because Villa had also
shown himself to be in favor of land reform, confiscating huge estates in northern Mexico and promising to divide the land
between villagers and his soldiers when the revolution was over. The convention delegates overwhelmingly adopted the Plan
de Ayala—a move that Zapata undoubtedly found gratifying—but the primary focus remained on preventing a new civil war. After
numerous debates and emotional speeches, the delegates concluded that the only way to restore peace to Mexico was to have
both Villa and Carranza resign. Villa agreed and took the idea one step further: Why not have both him and Carranza shot?
Carranza, however, was not amenable to the idea of resigning or being shot. After more wrangling, the leaders of the revolutionary
convention, which according to the Mexican Constitution represented the legitimate government at that time, declared Carranza
in rebellion and named Villa as commander in chief.
So began the most deadly phase of the revolution. “As in the history of most revolutions, the bloodiest phase of the Mexican
Revolution occurred not when revolutionaries were fighting the old regime but when they began to fight one another,” observes
historian Friedrich Katz. “In 1913-1914, when they fought against the federal army, revolutionary volunteers confronted mostly
unwilling, forcibly impressed conscripts. This time volunteer would fight mostly against volunteer.”
Carranza’s Constitutionalist forces and Villa’s Conventionalist army began fighting each other with a savagery that had not
been seen on the North American continent since the Civil War. Chief among the killers would be Pancho Villa himself.
4
Downhill
A S COMMANDER IN CHIEF of the armed forces, Villa’s first task was to march south and take control of Mexico City. Carrancista
soldiers garrisoned in nearby towns fled before his troops and crowds showered them with flowers. Battle hardened and confident,
enjoying an almost fanatical loyalty from his men, Villa was at the peak of his power and the División del Norte had an aura
of invincibility that was demoralizing to opposing forces. In keeping with his stature, Villa upgraded the private train from
which he directed his battles, one boxcar serving as his office,
Lisa Scottoline
Zenina Masters
K.A. Merikan
Laken Cane
William R. Forstchen
Sierra Donovan
Jonas Saul
Paige Farmer
Christopher Stasheff
Bianca D'Arc