if I may ask?”
“Missile defense,” the head of state informed him. “It is an airborne system of advanced design. Directed-energy weapons able to negate any airborne threat to the Rodina once we have them developed and deployed.”
No Russian system in development has such capability—but then the Prime Minister referenced opportunities from abroad. Lyubov sipped again, seemingly unconcerned. He placed his tea on the low table beside his chair. “This initiative must have been held quite closely, if I have not heard of it. The developmental expenditures alone would cost billions. How will such an expense be managed?”
“Ah, but here we arrive at the best news of all. We needed no expenditure of Federation capital to develop the system at all. It will come as a gift, from friends in the West,” the Prime Minister explained.
“Friends?” Lyubov’s eyebrow raised. “You can mean only the Americans.”
“Indeed. It is nothing less than a goodwill gesture, sharing this capability which has raised so much concern on both sides with the balance of power in our region,” his President confirmed with a satisfied tone. “We can anticipate being the dominant power in Asia and Eastern Europe afterward, and for some time to come.”
The head of FSB struggled to keep his countenance impartial … as if his face was carved from stone. “Is this not supposition? The incoming American Congress would never approve of such a controversial transfer.”
His comment nearly made the head of the Russian Federation laugh, for the first time Dmitry Gennadyevich Lyubov had ever directly observed. “In this matter, the American Congress is of no concern. They will not be involved, nor will the American President. Nevertheless, we will soon be—and I speak of a matter of days—in possession of all the data we would need to build the system, as if we had developed it ourselves.” The Supreme Commander looked completely satisfied with the prospect.
Their exchange chilled Lyubov in a way requiring another sip of hot tea. He imagined a Russia invulnerable to missile attack, led by the man in whose office he now sat. Compounding the FSB executive's concerns was the knowledge his President pined for the return to the days of expansionism. The American administration would take the advantage of missile defense from their allies and give it to this man instead? Are they stupid enough to believe a goodwill gesture is worth the risk of starting another war? The reaction from the Chinese alone would be tantamount to a break in diplomatic relations!
Lyubov did not attempt to pry details from either man. Even as head of the country's internal security, he was not party to intelligence compartmentalized on the level of the chief executive and President. Dmitry's only choice was rather to play his appointed role, appear to support their plans, and allocate whatever resources were requested from his organization. “I will of course do everything in my power to support Mother Russia,” he declared.
Both the President and the Prime Minister appeared equally pleased with his spirit of cooperation. Perhaps, too, they were happy with their Director’s lack of further questions for them.
“Very good, Dmitry. We will be glad to have your assistance.” The President donned a pair of reading glasses. He opened one of the massive document folders in front of him as the Prime Minister rose to assist with laying out the hard copy.
As they prepared to examine what Lyubov assumed to be the site surveys prepared in contingency, the head of FSB pondered his actual course of action. Such a unique opportunity this situation now presents me. I am able to be both a traitor and a patriot with the same acts. Lyubov knew Russia now to be poised on the edge of a geopolitical disaster, brought on by both ambition and the blindly seized opportunity advanced by naive elements in the West. My duty is to secure the Rodina. I must stop this initiative before it
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