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managing the economy and protecting the interests of citizens. His foreign policy established a new vision of America’s role in the world. And he helped to make the White House the center of power in Washington. Most historians rank him among the five most important American Presidents, along with Washington, Lincoln, and the two Roosevelts.
    Note how the Miller Center folks call him one of the “greatest”—not the “most consequential,” which might actually be accurate—and also note how they directly tie his “greatness” to expanding the role of the federal government and to the creation of an imperial presidency.
    It’s not just academics like those at the Miller Center who display a fawning love for Wilson. A 2002 episode of the PBS series AmericanExperience glowingly “explores the transformation of a history professor into one of America’s greatest presidents.” Radical Liberal Prime Minister David Lloyd George, who in many ways was Britain’s version of Wilson, onceeven likened him to Jesus Christ.
    In the 1960s, President Lyndon Baines Johnson—another Wilson acolyte—spearheaded the formation of Washington, D.C.’s Woodrow Wilson Center. In announcing the project, Johnson proclaimed that there “could be no more fitting monument to the memory of Woodrow Wilsonthan an institution devoted to the highest ideals of scholarship and international understanding.”
    In November 2015, Washington Post columnist Richard Cohen even penned an article titled “Woodrow Wilson Was Racist,but He Deserves Our Understanding.” Why does Wilson deserve our understanding when others do not? Is it because he was a “transformational progressive” who supported liberal causes such as the Federal Reserve system, the Federal Trade Commission, the implementation of the federal income tax, and the creation of the world government League of Nations?
    You bet it is.
    Wilson’s presidency was the beginning of the end for the radical experiment in individual liberty that the Founders had fought for. How did it happen? Well, much like the case of the Titanic , the story of how something goes from mighty, brave, and unsinkable to slowly breaking apart and becoming a footnote in history requires the same relentless forces of humanity that the Founders tried so hard to protect citizens from: hubris, greed, and, most of all, fear.
YOUNG, CAREFREE, AND POWER-MAD
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    Thomas Woodrow Wilson was a proud son of the South. Born in Staunton, Virginia, in the calamitous decade preceding the CivilWar,he grew up mostly in Georgia and South Carolina. His father, a transplanted Ohio Yankee, was a passionately devoted secessionist and a Presbyterian minister.
    Among Wilson’s earliest memories was the searing sight of Union soldiers marching through his small town in the deep South at the end of the Civil War. They were Yankee invaders, a victorious occupying force, who wanted to make life as miserable as possible forConfederates like the Wilsons.
    As an eight-year-old boy in Augusta, Georgia, he watched in horror as Union troops led the captured Confederate ex-President Jefferson Davisthrough the streets in chains. He recalled his mother tending to wounded Confederate soldiers, victims of the barbaric Northern aggressors. Although he would later hide it, he had severe contempt for the Union, for Abraham Lincoln, and for African-Americans. All of them had stood in the way of creating an elite Southern society that would prosper on the backs of slaves.
    Most likely dyslexic,Wilson did not learn to read or write until he was nearly ten years old. But despite the slow start, he turned into an ivory-tower academic for his whole life. Whatever his official job title, he always remained an elitist “intellectual” who believed that experts (like him!) should be in charge of, well, just about everything.
    Wilson came to define the nihilist, humanist philosophy