Hide and Seek

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Authors: Jeff Struecker
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creature gnawed at his stomach. He picked up the receiver and punched a button for an outside line. Nothing. “Phones are out.”
    Seated to Meklis’s left sat General Nurbeck Saparaliev. “Excuse me for a moment, Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister.” He rose and moved to the conference room door and exited. Less than a minute later he returned. “Basic radio communications are intact, including those dependent on repeaters. Television and radio are still working. The outage seems confined to the cell system and landlines.”
    “Internet?” Dootkasy asked.
    “Also intact. Interesting.” Saparaliev returned to his seat.
    “How so, General?” Meklis already had a suspicion.
    “This may be more than a series of antigovernment protests. I can’t be sure yet, but this might be planned. It would be one thing to lose a cell tower, but to lose several sounds more like a—”
    “Rebellion.” Meklis pinched the bridge of his nose.
    “I don’t follow.” Dilara Novakosa, the government press officer broke her silence.
    Meklis motioned to Saparaliev. “General, if you would.”
    Saparaliev turned to the middle-aged woman, a former journalism professor. “Riots are seldom planned. Protests, yes, and those can evolve into something worse. Rebellion begins with planning. Knocking out phones, landlines, and cell, hinders the ability of the military and police some; the government a great deal. Police and military have field radios and are immune to outside influence except by highly technical jamming. Jamming can be traced and neutralized.”
    “So why knock out the phones if the police and military can still communicate?”
    “To frustrate the populace. Imagine being injured and not able to call for help. Civil leaders communicate primarily with phone. This won’t end communications, but I have to ask why protesters would do such a thing.”
    “But they couldn’t close down the Internet?” she asked.
    “Or didn’t want to,” Meklis said. “Think about Arab Summer, the protests in Lybia, Egypt, Syria, and other places. The protesters used the Internet to coordinate much of their actions.”
    “I still don’t understand.” Dilara looked puzzled. “They might have the Internet, but they can’t use their cell phones to broadcast video.”
    “Maybe their leaders don’t want that. They don’t want the world to know.” The general made a face as if his words had a bad taste.
    “Why would they care about that?” Chief Abirov looked pale as if he already knew the answer.
    “We can’t know for certain, but they may have something worse in mind. Something they don’t want the world to see.”
    All the faces turned to Meklis, and he once again wished he had chased the path of the academic. He was the leader and it was time for him to lead.
    “I’m assuming that much of this has to do with the extension of the contract for the airfield at Manas.”
    “I still think that is a bad idea, Mr. President.”
    “And I am leaning in your direction, Mr. Prime Minister.” Dootkasy’s comment annoyed Meklis. He returned his attention to the others. “I have forbidden the United States from flying anything over our soil except the troop transport planes. Seeing U.S. military aircraft in our skies may incite more riots. General, you are to take over crowd control. Work with the police. I also want a contingent of police and military at our government building. I want the police in uniform and visible. I want the military nearby and ready to act but not visible. I don’t want this to become a Lybia or Syria situation in which the military kills its own citizens.” He paused and stared at General Saparaliev. “In Egypt, much of the military sided with the protesters. Will I have that problem?”
    “No, Mr. President. That was a very different situation. Our troops are loyal to the government and its leaders.”
    “Good.” Meklis gazed at Dilara. “I want you and your people to prepare a release to be distributed

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