New Kujiang’s future was envisioned as an open-air pedestrian mall resembling, in the words of Mr. Liao and CSDC consultant Chen, “the streets of Austria,” “the shopping malls of America,” and or even “the Harajuku area of Tokyo.” 15 To achieve this end, the project focused on addressing the “disorderly (
zaluan
) streetscape” and using spatial reorganization to regulate the flow of consumer traffic through the area (CSDC 1998). It sought to reduce visually chaotic elements by banning oversized business signs and street vendors to create a more consistent look. With all of these distractions removed, the plan was to set the area apart from other city streets by paving the streets with decorative bricks, planting ornamental trees, and converting the streets into a pedestrian zone. A picture of pedestrians leisurely strolling down brick walkways shaded by colorful awnings and flanked by flowering trees, outdoor cafes, and refined street furniture recalled the pedestrian malls of other urban centers striving to bring commerceand consumers together in a controlled environment closed to automobile traffic. These pedestrian zones were consciously intended to simulate “organic” urban streets nostalgic of an idealized urbanity (Boddy 1992; Crawford 1992; McMorrough 2001; Shepherd 2008). In New Kujiang, however, the purpose was not to recreate a supposedly organic urban space but to make New Kujiang more competitive with the modernity represented by the newer shopping malls and “malled” downtowns. It was to make New Kujjang stand out from the rest of Taiwan by making it look like one of those cosmopolitan shopping streets in “advanced countries” (
xianjin guojia
) that are indistinguishable from one another.
In the planning and construction of this new space, the layered narrative of New Kujiang’s success story was being reworked. Starting with Kaohsiung’s past history as a colonial port and then the Cold War trade of shipped goods from abroad in the old Kujiang, the spatial reorganization of New Kujiang would bring it and the city closer to other world-class cities. Built around the key words of
internationalization
,
modernization
, and
competitiveness
, the revitalization project would connect New Kujiang’s previous commercial success to future success and its past association with exotic commodities to participation in an international consumer market. The active role local business people took in refashioning the streets was celebrated as a triumph of entrepreneurialism and communal self-promotion that would ensure New Kujiang’s competitiveness in the global market of places. Colonial legacy, Cold War dependence, and postindustrial decline were all reoriented toward global connectivity and future prosperity. Past and future converged in the perpetual youthfulness and newness of New Kujiang through the
imagineering
(Rutheiser 1996) of a “modern” as well as “internationalized” space for consumption.
A Place for Shopping
A decade after the Development Plan was first introduced, New Kujiang has morphed into an eclectic hybrid between a Taiwanese night market and a trendy pedestrian mall. Pricey boutiques, trees (the kind that Mr. Liao dislikes), restaurants serving exotic food, and colorful banners line the brick-paved streets. But, on these same streets, in front of the boutiques and restaurants, are street vendors selling cheap accessories, low-priced clothing, iced drinks, and snacks. Although conventional shops usually open before noon, street vendors do not show up until hours later. At nightfall, shoppers begin to come in numbers. The streets come into life, and activities continue until midnight. The smell of food, the sounds, and the crowds conjure up an ambiance not unlike a “hot and noisy” (
renao
) night market. The revitalization project did not manage to rid the vendors who made New Kujiang a “chaotic” place. Instead, because they have been pedestrianized, the
zaluan
) streetscape” and using spatial reorganization to regulate the flow of consumer traffic through the area (CSDC 1998). It sought to reduce visually chaotic elements by banning oversized business signs and street vendors to create a more consistent look. With all of these distractions removed, the plan was to set the area apart from other city streets by paving the streets with decorative bricks, planting ornamental trees, and converting the streets into a pedestrian zone. A picture of pedestrians leisurely strolling down brick walkways shaded by colorful awnings and flanked by flowering trees, outdoor cafes, and refined street furniture recalled the pedestrian malls of other urban centers striving to bring commerceand consumers together in a controlled environment closed to automobile traffic. These pedestrian zones were consciously intended to simulate “organic” urban streets nostalgic of an idealized urbanity (Boddy 1992; Crawford 1992; McMorrough 2001; Shepherd 2008). In New Kujiang, however, the purpose was not to recreate a supposedly organic urban space but to make New Kujiang more competitive with the modernity represented by the newer shopping malls and “malled” downtowns. It was to make New Kujjang stand out from the rest of Taiwan by making it look like one of those cosmopolitan shopping streets in “advanced countries” (
xianjin guojia
) that are indistinguishable from one another.
In the planning and construction of this new space, the layered narrative of New Kujiang’s success story was being reworked. Starting with Kaohsiung’s past history as a colonial port and then the Cold War trade of shipped goods from abroad in the old Kujiang, the spatial reorganization of New Kujiang would bring it and the city closer to other world-class cities. Built around the key words of
internationalization
,
modernization
, and
competitiveness
, the revitalization project would connect New Kujiang’s previous commercial success to future success and its past association with exotic commodities to participation in an international consumer market. The active role local business people took in refashioning the streets was celebrated as a triumph of entrepreneurialism and communal self-promotion that would ensure New Kujiang’s competitiveness in the global market of places. Colonial legacy, Cold War dependence, and postindustrial decline were all reoriented toward global connectivity and future prosperity. Past and future converged in the perpetual youthfulness and newness of New Kujiang through the
imagineering
(Rutheiser 1996) of a “modern” as well as “internationalized” space for consumption.
A Place for Shopping
A decade after the Development Plan was first introduced, New Kujiang has morphed into an eclectic hybrid between a Taiwanese night market and a trendy pedestrian mall. Pricey boutiques, trees (the kind that Mr. Liao dislikes), restaurants serving exotic food, and colorful banners line the brick-paved streets. But, on these same streets, in front of the boutiques and restaurants, are street vendors selling cheap accessories, low-priced clothing, iced drinks, and snacks. Although conventional shops usually open before noon, street vendors do not show up until hours later. At nightfall, shoppers begin to come in numbers. The streets come into life, and activities continue until midnight. The smell of food, the sounds, and the crowds conjure up an ambiance not unlike a “hot and noisy” (
renao
) night market. The revitalization project did not manage to rid the vendors who made New Kujiang a “chaotic” place. Instead, because they have been pedestrianized, the
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