simplicity. The Allies included several “governments in exile.” Some, such as the French, Belgians, and Polish, were able to field a fighting unit or two, normally incorporated into the larger army groups commanded by the Americans or the British. Others simply maintained an office in London and worked toward the day their homelands would be finally liberated. Why not, proposed Roosevelt, use this opportunity to create a German “government in exile” with Rommel’s forces as their military arm? It could simplify many elements of postwar German administration.
Hartnell Stone was quite impressed with Uncle Franklin. This was creative politics at its best. Some of the other attendees weren’t so sure.
General Marshall spoke up: “Pardon me, Mr. President.”
“Yes, General?” FDR’s full attention focused on the army chief of staff.
“Sir, this assumes that Rommel has not merely surrendered, but has had such a total change of heart that he will be willing not only to serve the Allied cause, but actually to fight Germans in that cause. And not merely fight the Nazi leadership, but also fight against German soldiers on the field of battle. I can tell you, sir, that regardless of one’s feelings for the leadership of one’s country, this would be an extremely difficult undertaking for any honorable soldier, and Rommel is nothing if not an honorable soldier.”
Wild Bill Donovan was the one who replied to that. “We have reason to believe that Rommel’s change of heart is actually that strong. For one thing, his chief of staff, General Speidel, was deeply involved in the Stauffenberg group, and tells us that Rommel actually agreed last summer to accept the position of Chancellor of Germany in a military coup. It’s a crying shame that one of our planes managed to shoot Rommel up just before the assassination—if we’d missed, he might have already taken over the German government.”
“I’m sorry our airmen did such a good job,” said Marshall with heavy irony.
“No, no, that’s not what I mean. We didn’t know it in time, and these things just happen. I’m just saying that Rommel was sick and tired of Hitler and felt it was time for him to go. In fact, Rommel was evidently opposed to the assassination—felt it was dishonorable, that a military takeover was more appropriate.” He shook his head at the strange idea.
“Really?” interjected Hull. “He was ready to overthrow his own government?”
Donovan nodded. “That’s what we’re told. I mean, don’t get me wrong, he’s a German and a patriot and all. Frankly, I think his objection to Hitler was not so much that he was a tyrant than that he was losing. And one thing is perfectly clear to any German who thinks about it—if they are going to lose, they’re a sight better off losing to us than to Stalin’s gang. Because one thing I’m certain of is that the Russians are going to double-cross Himmler the way the Nazis double-crossed them.”
Hull nodded. “Well, that’s clear enough. I agree. I figured that the Soviet-German deal was a temporary convenience, and now it’s in Stalin’s interest to attack again. Rommel must see that as clearly as we do. So his real motive is to stave off a Soviet takeover of Germany. All right. That ought to be one of our motives, too. All we need is a government of Reds replacing the Nazis. We’d be back where we started. Maybe even worse.”
“If we create our own German government and recognize it,” the president said, “especially if it’s got people in it that the Germans themselves recognize as legitimate, I think there’s a decent chance that the German resistance will pretty much collapse and we can just waltz into Berlin and take it over. Once we’ve got it, the Soviets will have to stand down or go to war with us, and I’m pretty sure that Stalin doesn’t have the stomach for that fight.” Stone noticed that the president didn’t mention “terrible weapons” or his certainty
Jacques Chessex
Thomas K. Matthews
Arlene James
Jane Gardam
Lee Weeks
L.E. Sterling
L. Divine
Peggy Holloway
Magdalen Nabb
Erich von Däniken