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Authors: Ethan Chorin
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had she not been encrusted with dirt and rust. 36 (The Statue of the Gazelle would become an objet celebre after the 2011 revolution as a small group of Salafists tried to deface it, for being un-Islamic). In another story, âMy Friends When I Die,â an older man takes solace only in the thought of staging a proper funeral when he dies, with money he had set aside for his sonâs education. 37
Many of the writers had connections in the regime that enabled them to publish, bypass state censors, and even win prizes for their work. Other, less subtle pieces of protest fiction were passed between friends or published outside Libya under pseudonyms in Internet newspapers, such as Libya al Yowm ( Libya Today ).
The Final Piece: The Fight to Get Libya off the List
Circa 2005, Libya remained on the list of state sponsors of terror, where it had been since 1979. The designation was a key impediment to full normalization with the US and the lifting of the final US sanctions on Libyaâitself the key to a much broader and deeper range of commercial activities with the outside world. This was the prize Gaddafi was after.
Removal from the terror list was important to US-Libya interactions, as the list effectively barred a range of important commercial transactionsâ
not the least of which was the purchase by the Gaddafi regime of quantities of new weapons to replace stocks made obsolete over the previous decades. It was more important to Gaddafi symbolically, as it was the last measure standing between Libya and full diplomatic rehabilitation, a full stop to the impediments placed on Gaddafi in reaction to his reign of terror in the 1980s. Lifting Libya from the terror list was tantamount to the US giving Libya a clean bill of health.
The primary requirement for a state to be removed from the list of state sponsors of terrorism is the presidentâs certification that:
(A) the government concerned has not provided any support for international terrorism during the preceding 6-month period; and (B) the government concerned has provided assurances that it will not support acts of international terrorism in the future. 38
The decision to normalize relations with Libya was technically independent of the decision to lift Libya from the terror list, although in terms of atmospherics, the two were clearly linked. Full normalization of relations (and the upgrading of USLO to embassy status) required the president to notify Congress of the intent to upgrade status, in turn triggering a fifteen-day review period, during which Congress could voice objections.
Those individuals arguing for lifting this last, and highly symbolic, barrier to Libyaâs reaccession into the international community won out over the diffuse skeptics, as they had in the past. During the congressional review period, the administration was broadsided by a statutory requirement for Congress to publish a list of all countries not fully cooperating in the war on terror. The deadline was May 15, 2005. Given Tripoliâs intense cooperation with the US on intelligence, some in Congress and at the State Department felt it was unfair to withhold Libya from the list of countries assisting the US with counterterrorism measures, and, by extension, to retain the state sponsors of terror designation.
Once the office of the President certified a country was in compliance with the terms set for removal from the Terror List, Congress had forty-five days in which to object, via new legislation. The White House was eager to push Libyaâs removal from the list forward, but was also highly conscious of potential political backlash. Ideally, it would have considered more weightily not only the views of US victims of past acts of terrorism, but various public cases, including that of five Bulgarian nurses and one Palestinian
doctor (known as âthe medicsâ) charged with infecting (variously) 438â461 Benghazi children with HIV back in 1998, and
Many of the writers had connections in the regime that enabled them to publish, bypass state censors, and even win prizes for their work. Other, less subtle pieces of protest fiction were passed between friends or published outside Libya under pseudonyms in Internet newspapers, such as Libya al Yowm ( Libya Today ).
The Final Piece: The Fight to Get Libya off the List
Circa 2005, Libya remained on the list of state sponsors of terror, where it had been since 1979. The designation was a key impediment to full normalization with the US and the lifting of the final US sanctions on Libyaâitself the key to a much broader and deeper range of commercial activities with the outside world. This was the prize Gaddafi was after.
Removal from the terror list was important to US-Libya interactions, as the list effectively barred a range of important commercial transactionsâ
not the least of which was the purchase by the Gaddafi regime of quantities of new weapons to replace stocks made obsolete over the previous decades. It was more important to Gaddafi symbolically, as it was the last measure standing between Libya and full diplomatic rehabilitation, a full stop to the impediments placed on Gaddafi in reaction to his reign of terror in the 1980s. Lifting Libya from the terror list was tantamount to the US giving Libya a clean bill of health.
The primary requirement for a state to be removed from the list of state sponsors of terrorism is the presidentâs certification that:
(A) the government concerned has not provided any support for international terrorism during the preceding 6-month period; and (B) the government concerned has provided assurances that it will not support acts of international terrorism in the future. 38
The decision to normalize relations with Libya was technically independent of the decision to lift Libya from the terror list, although in terms of atmospherics, the two were clearly linked. Full normalization of relations (and the upgrading of USLO to embassy status) required the president to notify Congress of the intent to upgrade status, in turn triggering a fifteen-day review period, during which Congress could voice objections.
Those individuals arguing for lifting this last, and highly symbolic, barrier to Libyaâs reaccession into the international community won out over the diffuse skeptics, as they had in the past. During the congressional review period, the administration was broadsided by a statutory requirement for Congress to publish a list of all countries not fully cooperating in the war on terror. The deadline was May 15, 2005. Given Tripoliâs intense cooperation with the US on intelligence, some in Congress and at the State Department felt it was unfair to withhold Libya from the list of countries assisting the US with counterterrorism measures, and, by extension, to retain the state sponsors of terror designation.
Once the office of the President certified a country was in compliance with the terms set for removal from the Terror List, Congress had forty-five days in which to object, via new legislation. The White House was eager to push Libyaâs removal from the list forward, but was also highly conscious of potential political backlash. Ideally, it would have considered more weightily not only the views of US victims of past acts of terrorism, but various public cases, including that of five Bulgarian nurses and one Palestinian
doctor (known as âthe medicsâ) charged with infecting (variously) 438â461 Benghazi children with HIV back in 1998, and
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